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Edicto de Amboise, 18 de marzo de 1563


Edicto de Amboise, 18 de marzo de 1563

El Edicto de Amboise (18 de marzo de 1563) puso fin a la Primera Guerra de Religión (1562-63) y concedió a los hugonotes tolerancia legal y un derecho limitado a predicar en lugares estrictamente limitados.

El edicto se aprobó muy rápidamente en la primera parte de marzo de 1563. El 18 de febrero, el duque de Boise fue herido de muerte en el sitio de Orleans, muriendo el 24 de febrero. Esto significaba que tres de los cuatro líderes católicos originales en la guerra estaban muertos y el cuarto, el duque Ana de Montmorency, estaba prisionero. Del mismo modo, el líder hugonote mayor, Luis de Condé, fue un prisionero. El 8 de marzo, ambos hombres fueron puestos en libertad y Catalina de Medici organizó negociaciones de paz. Los términos de paz se acordaron muy rápidamente y se emitieron como el Edicto de Amboise.

Según los términos del Edicto de Amboise, el culto hugonote estaba permitido en las ciudades donde había estado en vigor el 7 de marzo de 1563, aparte de París, donde seguía siendo ilegal. Además, el rey debía seleccionar una ciudad en cada bailía de Francia donde se permitiría el culto hugonote en un suburbio, todos los caballeros que tuvieran feudos en la justicia baja o mezquina podrían tener la predicación en sus propios hogares y todos los nobles que tuvieran feudos con alta justicia. podría haber predicado en sus propiedades. A cada individuo se le dio libertad de conciencia en su propia casa, incluso en las ciudades donde estaba prohibido el culto público de los hugonotes.

El edicto era menos generoso que el edicto de enero de 1562. En el edicto anterior, a los hugonotes se les permitía predicar en cualquier lugar del campo durante las horas del día, pero ahora estaban restringidos a un número limitado de suburbios y propiedades de nobles protestantes.

Además, todos los bienes confiscados de cualquiera de las iglesias debían ser restaurados y todos los religiosos o prisioneros de guerra debían ser liberados.

Se necesitó algún tiempo para que se ratificara la paz. El Parlamento de París se negó al principio, al igual que Rouen, Dijon y Toulouse, pero finalmente el tratado fue aceptado en general y siguieron cuatro años de paz.


Conspiración de Amboise

Nuestros editores revisarán lo que ha enviado y determinarán si deben revisar el artículo.

Conspiración de Amboise, plan fallido de jóvenes aristócratas hugonotes franceses en 1560 contra la Casa Católica de Guise.

Cuando Francisco II, de 14 años, llegó al trono francés en 1559, la familia Guise ganó ascendencia en el gobierno, creando enemistad entre la nobleza más pequeña. Se formó una conspiración para derrocar su gobierno en Nantes, con un noble del Périgord necesitado llamado La Renaudie como su jefe nominal, aunque la agitación había sido fomentada en primera instancia por los agentes de Luis I de Borbón, príncipe de Condé. Los Guisa fueron advertidos de la conspiración mientras la corte estaba en Blois y, para mayor seguridad, trasladaron al rey a Amboise. La Renaudie, sin embargo, simplemente pospuso sus planes, y los conspiradores se reunieron en pequeños grupos en los bosques alrededor de Amboise. Sin embargo, habían sido nuevamente traicionados, y muchos de ellos fueron rodeados y capturados antes de que pudiera darse el golpe. El 19 de marzo de 1560, La Renaudie y el resto de los conspiradores atacaron abiertamente el castillo de Amboise. Fueron repelidos, La Renaudie fue asesinada y un gran número fueron hechos prisioneros.

Los Guisa ejercieron una venganza despiadada. Durante una semana prosiguieron las torturas, descuartizamientos y ahorcamientos, y los cuerpos fueron arrojados al Loira. Los Guisa convocaron además una comisión especial para juzgar a Condé, quien fue condenado a muerte pero el canciller pospuso el asunto, y la muerte de Francisco II en diciembre salvó a Condé.


El castillo de Amboise en el momento de los hechos.


Un grupo de aristócratas provinciales decidió tomar el asunto en sus propias manos, secuestrando al Rey y arrestando a los hermanos Guise. El principal de los conspiradores fue Godefroy de Barry, señor de La Renaudie, de Périgord.

La Renaudie reunió a su alrededor a caballeros hugonotes de ideas afines en representación de varias regiones de Francia: Charles de Castelnau de Chalosse, Bouchard d'Aubeterre, Edme de Ferrière-Maligny, Capitanes Mazères, Cañizares, Sainte-Marie y Lignières, Jean d'Aubigné (padre de Agrippa d'Aubigné) y Ardoin de Por Paulon de Mauvans, cuyo hermano había sido ejecutado, reunió a los hugonotes de Provenza en Mérindol, el 12 de febrero de 1560, prometió 2.000 hombres y envió 100 a Nantes. & # 911 & # 93 Gaspard de Coligny, más tarde también un destacado hugonote, disuadió a los nobles de Normandía de involucrarse en el complot. Protestante líder burgués de Orleans, Tours y Lyon fueron informados de los desarrollos.

Dadas las circunstancias, rumores cada vez más específicos sobre el complot llegaron al Cardenal de Lorena con mucha anticipación. El 12 de febrero se recibió un informe detallado a través de Pierre des Avenelles, abogado de París. El día 22, los Guisa decidieron trasladar al rey y a la corte de Blois al castillo de Amboise, un sitio más defendible, y reforzaron las defensas del castillo.

Los conspiradores retrasaron su plan de acción del 1 de marzo al 16, pero el primer contingente de conspiradores llegó temprano al pueblo y fue arrestado silenciosamente a partir del 10 de marzo.


Eventos

El emperador romano declara que los niños abandonados a la iglesia no pueden ser reclamados. La firma de un obispo es necesaria para atestiguar que la iglesia ha acogido al niño.

Autoridad para la fecha: Wisconsin Lutheran College, Imperial Laws and Lett

Por orden de un superior, Antonio de Padua (Fernando de Bouillon), predica su primer y poderoso sermón, fruto de mucha reflexión.

Autoridad para la fecha: Stoddard, Charles Warren. El Taumaturgo de Padua. Notre Dame, IN: El Ave María, 1896.

El Edicto de Amboise concede un permiso limitado para el ejercicio de la religión protestante en Francia.

Autoridad para la fecha: Grandes Hombres y Mujeres Famosas.

William Allen, jefe exiliado de Inglaterra y los católicos romanos rsquos, exhorta al rey Felipe II de España por carta a emprender una invasión de Inglaterra y declara que los católicos allí claman que castigue a la reina Isabel, "odiada por Dios y el hombre".

Autoridad para la fecha: & ldquoAllen, William. & Rdquo Los cardenales de la Santa Iglesia Romana. www.fiu.edu/

Murió Sophia Olelkovich Raziwell, la última descendiente de la dinastía Olelkovich-Slutsk. Apasionada de la ortodoxia, se había negado a convertirse al catolicismo y había obtenido una ley que permitía a los terratenientes de la región (la actual Bielorrusia) seguir siendo ortodoxos. Gracias a sus esfuerzos, la región alrededor de Slutsk se convertirá en un bastión de la ortodoxia, y en 1983 será canonizada por la Iglesia Ortodoxa.

Autoridad para la fecha: http://womenshistory.about.com/

Muerte en Helmstadt, Alemania, de Georg Calixtus, quien había sido el perpetuador más influyente de la teología luterana Melanchthon & rsquos en el siglo XVII.

Autoridad para la fecha: Schaff, Philip. La enciclopedia de conocimiento religioso de Schaff-Herzog.

Muerte en Longleat, Inglaterra, de Thomas Ken, notable en su generación como uno de los siete obispos que habían sido enviados a la Torre de Londres por negarse a publicar la Declaración de Indulgencia del Rey Jaime II y rsquos. Será recordado por las generaciones venideras como el autor de la doxología "Alabado sea Dios de quien fluyen todas las bendiciones".

Autoridad para la fecha: http://www.hymnary.org/person/Ken_Thomas

Philip Doddridge es ordenado ministro inconformista en Inglaterra. Su libro The Rise and Progress of Religion in the Soul influirá en la conversión del estadista inglés William Wilberforce y muchos otros al cristianismo evangélico.

Autoridad para la fecha: Hatfield, Edwin. Los poetas de la Iglesia. Nueva York: Anson Randolph & amp Company, 1884.

Henry Nott y sus compañeros misioneros llevan a cabo el primer servicio cristiano que se haya celebrado en Tahití. El encuentro se lleva a cabo al amparo de unos árboles enormes con el rey de Tahití y muchos otros tahitianos presentes.

Autoridad para la fecha: Harrison, Eugene Myers. "Heraldo del Amor de Dios en Tahití". Gigantes del Camino Misionero.

En Viena tiene lugar la primera representación pública de Franz Joseph Haydn & rsquos oratorio Creation. Las entradas se han agotado con mucha antelación. Casi un año antes había tenido lugar un ensayo público y una actuación privada para la élite, también en Viena.

Autoridad de la fecha: Enciclopedias estándar.

El poeta estadounidense William Cullen Bryant escribe su himno de Navidad & ldquo Look from Thy Sphere of Endless Day & rdquo para el quincuagésimo aniversario de la Iglesia del Mesías en Boston.

Autoridad para la fecha: Wells, Amos R. A Treasury of Hymn Stories. Baker, 1992.

Muerte en Racine, Wisconsin, de James De Koven, sacerdote episcopal y líder del ritualismo anglicano.

Autoridad para la fecha: Papa, William C. Life of the Reverent James de Koven. http://anglicanhistory.org/bios/dekoven/dekoven8.html

Charles Harrison Mason experimenta el bautismo del Espíritu Santo y habla en lenguas. Afroamericano, se convertirá en fundador y jefe de la Iglesia de Dios en Cristo, Inc.

Autoridad de la fecha: Diccionario biográfico de evangélicos.

En la encíclica Divini redemptoris, el Papa Pío XI declara: “No habría socialismo ni comunismo hoy si los gobernantes de las naciones no hubieran despreciado las enseñanzas y las advertencias materiales de la Iglesia”.

Autoridad de la fecha: Divini redemptoris. www.vatican.va.

Los lituanos fundan The Chronicle, un periódico clandestino, para exponer la crueldad soviética hacia los cristianos católicos.

Autoridad de la fecha: Crónica de la Iglesia Católica en Lituania. Brooklyn, Nueva York.

Tras las revelaciones de una relación sexual en 1980 con la secretaria de la iglesia Jessica Hahn, Jim Bakker renuncia como jefe del ministerio de PTL. Más tarde irá a prisión por cargos de fraude financiero.


Temas similares o similares al Edicto de Saint-Germain

Los disturbios de Toulouse de 1562 son una serie de eventos (que ocurrieron en gran parte en el lapso de una semana) que enfrentaron a miembros de la Iglesia Reformada de Francia (a menudo llamados hugonotes) contra miembros de la Iglesia Católica Romana en enfrentamientos violentos que terminaron con la muerte de entre 3.000 y 5.000 ciudadanos de la ciudad francesa de Toulouse. Estos eventos muestran las tensiones que pronto estallarían en una guerra civil total durante las Guerras de Religión francesas. Wikipedia

Las Guerras de Religión francesas fueron un período prolongado de guerra y malestar popular entre católicos y hugonotes (protestantes reformados / calvinistas) en el Reino de Francia entre 1562 y 1598. Se estima que tres millones de personas murieron en este período a causa de la violencia, el hambre o la enfermedad. en lo que se considera la segunda guerra religiosa más mortífera de la historia europea. Wikipedia

El asesinato del duque de Guise por el hugonote Jean de Poltrot en el sitio de Orleans en 1563 representa un punto de inflexión crítico en las guerras de religión francesas. Sería el primer asesinato importante en lo que se convertiría en una disputa de sangre entre las diversas casas aristocráticas que vería la muerte de Luis, el Príncipe de Condé y la masacre de San Bartolomé y el Día de San Bartolomé. Wikipedia

El asesinato de adoradores y ciudadanos hugonotes en una acción armada de las tropas de Francisco, duque de Guisa, en Wassy, ​​Francia, el 1 de marzo de 1562. Identificado como el primer acontecimiento importante en las guerras de religión francesas. Wikipedia


Ala renacentista

El sucesor de Carlos VIII y # 8217, Luis XII construyó el ala renacentista en ángulo recto con el ala gótica.

A François I le gustaba mucho el castillo de Amboise y añadió un piso superior al ala renacentista.

El gran mecenas del Renacimiento francés, de hecho, pasó su juventud y vivió allí durante los primeros cinco años de su reinado.

Hombre de placer, lujo y belleza, el carismático rey dio prestigio a Amboise, donde ofreció espléndidas festividades.

El Protector de las Artes y las Letras y un hombre culto y refinado, François I pasó su vida rodeado de las mejores mentes de su época.

Por lo tanto, invitó a Leonardo da Vinci a trasladarse al cercano Clos Luçé.

El rey visitaba regularmente al viejo artista, utilizando un pasaje secreto que conecta el castillo con Le Clos Luçé.

Luis XIII legó el castillo a su hermano Gaston d & # 8217 Orleans, que pasó la mayor parte de su vida conspirando contra su propio hermano.

Como represalia, el rey envió a sus tropas que dispararon contra el castillo y, lamentablemente, destruyeron las murallas.

El castillo de Amboise finalmente regresó a la Corona francesa.

A principios del siglo XIX, Napoleón I legó Amboise al pobre Roger Ducros, miembro del gobierno del Directorio, ¡quien lo convirtió en una cantera de piedra!

Por lo tanto, todo lo que queda del castillo son los Logis du Roi, Alas góticas y renacentistas, Tour Heurtault en la muralla y Chapelle St-Hubert.

Los apartamentos privados en el piso superior del ala Renacimiento fueron posteriormente redecorados en estilo Imperio para Louis-Philippe.

Los jardines y las terrazas se ajardinaron en el sitio de los edificios anteriores.

Cuentan con vistas privilegiadas del Loira y los tejados de la ciudad medieval.

Se dice que la capilla gótica flamígera St-Hubert, construida en 1491 para Ann de Bretaña, alberga la tumba de Leonardo da Vinci.

El castillo de Amboise pertenece a la Fundación St-Louis, un fideicomiso fundado por el Conde de París para preservar el patrimonio nacional francés.

Departamento de Indre-et-Loire
Coordenadas: Lat 47.413336 y # 8211 Long 0.985551

Fotos a través de Wikimedia Commons: Castillo visto desde el puente & # 8211 Chimenea renacentista & # 8211 Castillo antes de 1579 & # 8211 Chapelle Saint-Hubert CC BY-SA 3.0

Contenido

La ciudad es famosa por la casa solariega Clos Lucé donde vivió Leonardo da Vinci (y finalmente murió) por invitación del rey Francisco I de Francia, cuyo castillo de Amboise, que domina la ciudad, se encuentra a solo 500 & # 160 m (1,640 pies ) lejos. Las calles estrechas contienen algunos buenos ejemplos de viviendas de madera.

Justo en las afueras de la ciudad se encuentra Pagode de Chanteloup, una pagoda china de 44 y 160 m (144,4 pies) de altura construida en 1775 por el duque de Choiseul. La Pagoda tiene siete niveles de altura, cada nivel un poco más pequeño que el anterior. Una escalera interior para llegar a todos los niveles está abierta al público.

El Musée de la Poste (en el Hôtel Joyeuse) es un museo que rastrea la historia del servicio de entrega postal.

Una fuente del siglo XIX de John Oswald de una tortuga coronada por una figura de oso de peluche, frente al lugar donde se llevan a cabo los mercados.

A orillas del río Loira


Edicto de Amboise, 18 de marzo de 1563 - Historia


Desde la repentina muerte del rey HENRI II., En Francia, dos facciones nobles se disputaron la influencia política, ya que la facción Guise optó por el catolicismo radical, la implementación intransigente de la reforma tridentina, la otra facción el calvinismo, el asunto tomó el carácter de un religioso. Conflicto (confesional). En 1560, el rey FRANCISCO II. murió, sucedido por su hermano CARLOS IX., hijo de 10 años, su madre CATHERINE DE MEDICI intentó restaurar el control real, sus seguidores componían la tercera facción, moderadamente católica, pero no comprometida con la Contrarreforma Tridentina.

En marzo de 1562, el duque FRANCISCO DE GUISE, líder del partido católico radical, ordenó la MASACRE DE VASSY, el asesinato de hugonotes desarmados que en ese momento asistían al servicio religioso. El evento marca el comienzo de la Primera Guerra Hugonote. El 16 de marzo, el duque Francisco entró triunfalmente en París. Catalina de Medici se puso del lado del duque de Guisa, el partido hugonote firmó una alianza con Inglaterra (septiembre). Orleans, en poder de los hugonotes, fue sitiada. El 19 de diciembre el ejército hugonote, liderado por CONDE y COLIGNY fue derrotado por Duke Francis, MONTMORENCY y sus fuerzas católicas en la BATALLA DE DREUX. El 24 de febrero de 1563, el duque Francisco murió a causa de sus heridas. El TRATADO DE AMBOISE del 19 de marzo de 1563 puso fin a la guerra, otorgando a los hugonotes tolerancia religiosa en sus bastiones.


L'H & # xD4 PITAL (L'HOSPITAL), MICHEL DE

Estadista francés y defensor de la tolerancia religiosa b. Auvernia, cerca de Aigueperse, 1507 d. Vignay, 13 de marzo de 1573. Su padre era médico y también se desempeñó como contralor de cuentas de Carlos de Borbón. Su primera educación fue en Toulouse hasta que se vio obligado a huir de Francia en 1523. Durante seis años estudió derecho en Padua y luego se unió a su padre en Roma, donde se desempeñó como auditor de la rota. A su regreso a Francia en 1534, ejerció la abogacía y se casó en 1537. L'H & # xF4 pital fue nombrado consejero del Parlamento de París de 1537 a 1547. En 1547, Enrique II lo envió a Bolonia como su representante para la primera sesión del Concilio de Trento. L'H & # xF4 pital regresó a Francia en 1548 y se convirtió en canciller de la princesa Margarita, hermana del rey. En 1553 fue nombrado maestro de solicitudes y en 1554 presidente de la Chambre des Comptes. En 1557 se convirtió en miembro del consejo privado. Alcanzó la cúspide de su carrera cuando, por influencia de catherine de m & # xC9 dicis, fue nombrado canciller de Francia (1560). Sirvió en este puesto durante un período de luchas religiosas en Francia por el ascenso de los hugonotes.

Guerras de religión. En 1561 compareció ante una reunión de los Estados Generales para pedir una mayor tolerancia. El resultado fue la promulgación del Edicto de Orleans (1561) y el Edicto de enero de 1562, que otorgó mejores condiciones a los hugonotes. En marzo de 1562 tuvo lugar una masacre de hugonotes a manos de los soldados de Francisco, duque de Guisa. En protesta, L'H & # xF4 pital se retiró a sus propiedades en Vignay hasta que terminó la contienda civil mediante el Edicto de Amboise (marzo 1563), que protegía los derechos de los hugonotes. A su regreso a la corte, L'H & # xF4 pital se comprometió a fortalecer el gobierno de Catherine de M & # xE9 dicis. A pedido suyo, el consejo real se negó a publicar las actas del Concilio de Trento debido a su conflicto con las libertades galicanas de la Iglesia francesa. Apoyó la posición del partido católico moderado en oposición a la posición derechista Guisa. En 1566 obtuvo la promulgación de la Ordenanza de Moulin, que preveía la reforma judicial. No fueron posibles más reformas desde que las hostilidades religiosas estallaron nuevamente en 1567 y la influencia de L'H & # xF4 pital comenzó a declinar. Catherine de M & # xE9 dicis lo culpó por las políticas de moderación que ella había apoyado pero que sus críticos creían responsables del aumento de las luchas religiosas. Cuando comenzó la segunda fase de las guerras religiosas, aumentaron las críticas a sus políticas. El cardenal de Lorena, el duque de Alva y otros lo acusaron de apoyar a los hugonotes. En 1568 se vio obligado a renunciar a su puesto de guardián de los sellos como resultado de la presión papal. A cambio, la Curia papal transfirió el control de ciertas propiedades de la Iglesia al gobierno francés. Poco tiempo después L'H & # xF4 pital se retiró de la vida pública, creyendo que su desocupación de su cargo era fundamental para la paz de Francia, aunque técnicamente no renunció a la cancillería hasta que se vio obligado a hacerlo en febrero de 1573.

Vida tardía. L'H & # xF4 pital pasó los últimos años de su vida recluido en Vignay. Aquí escribió poemas y otros breves comentarios sobre su época. En 1570 dirigió a Carlos IX una breve memoria titulada Le But de la guerre et de la paix, ou discours du chancelier l'Hospital pour exhorter Charles IX & # xE0 donner la paix & # xE0 ses sujets. En 1585 un nieto publicó otra de sus obras, titulada Epistolarum seu sermonum libri sex.

Aunque Michel de L'H & # xF4 pital fue acusado de herejía en su propio tiempo, siguió siendo un católico practicante hasta el final de su vida. Sus enemigos lo criticaron por la política de colocar el bienestar de Francia por encima del bienestar de un solo grupo. Catalina continuó su apoyo a esta política durante muchos años después de su muerte, a pesar de que fue responsable de su caída del poder. Lamentó los excesos de la Masacre de st. El día de Bartolomé, que ocurrió menos de un año antes de su muerte, y así lo indicó en una carta a Carlos IX.


Edicto de Amboise, 18 de marzo de 1563 - Historia

No es una imagen muy precisa. En FR, debemos evitar publicar artículos que presenten intencionalmente algunos & # 8220facts & # 8221 seleccionados (algunos de los cuales son bastante dudosos) y omitir deliberadamente otros. El término es polémico, y el uso de la polémica está en desacuerdo con el amor y la búsqueda de la verdad por parte de los conservadores, dondequiera que nos lleven los hechos.

Como enseñó el Papa Juan Pablo II en Ut Unum Sint (1995) & # 8220 Sin embargo, además de las diferencias doctrinales que deben resolverse, los cristianos no pueden subestimar la carga de los recelos heredados del pasado y de los malentendidos y prejuicios mutuos. La complacencia, la indiferencia y el conocimiento insuficiente de los demás a menudo empeoran esta situación. En consecuencia, el compromiso con el ecumenismo debe basarse en la conversión de los corazones y en la oración, que también conducirá a la necesaria purificación de los recuerdos del pasado. Con la gracia del Espíritu Santo, los discípulos del Señor, inspirados por el amor, por el poder de la verdad y por un sincero deseo de perdón mutuo y reconciliación, están llamados a reexaminar juntos su doloroso pasado y el dolor que ha sufrido. El pasado lamentablemente sigue provocando incluso hoy. Todos juntos, están invitados por la fuerza siempre renovada del Evangelio a reconocer con sincera y total objetividad los errores cometidos y los factores contingentes que operan en el origen de sus deplorables divisiones. Lo que se necesita es una visión tranquila, clarividente y veraz de las cosas, una visión animada por la misericordia divina y capaz de liberar la mente de las personas e inspirar en todos una disposición renovada, precisamente con miras a anunciar el Evangelio a los hombres. y mujeres de todos los pueblos y naciones. & # 8221

Por favor complete los datos e indique dónde encuentra las publicaciones sobre hechos dubios.

Esto es lo que creían los hugonotes.

Por qué estaban dispuestos a renunciar a su tierra natal en lugar de renunciar a su Salvador, Jesucristo el Señor.

De esto se trata realmente el cristianismo.

Escuche y observe y sea bendecido hoy.

Aquí hay un buen resumen desde la perspectiva católica, de la Enciclopedia Católica de 1917. Esta es una gran referencia para los protestantes que buscan una mejor comprensión del catolicismo y está disponible en línea en http://www.newadvent.org

El artículo sobre el protestantismo francés se puede encontrar aquí, del cual el siguiente pasaje es un extracto. Verá que completa muchos de los hechos omitidos por el artículo que publicó y proporciona un contexto para algunos de los otros hechos. Creo que este artículo es más caritativo para los protestantes POV que el artículo que publicaste para el católico POV, pero puedes sacar tu propia conclusión sobre este punto. En cualquier caso, tengo la más sincera esperanza de que este artículo proporcione cierto equilibrio y le ayude a comprender mejor este período de la historia.

La historia del protestantismo francés se puede dividir en cuatro períodos bien definidos: (1) Un período militante, en el que está luchando por la libertad (1559-98) (2) el período del Edicto de Nantes (1598-1685) ( 3) el período de la Revocación a la Revolución (1685-1800) (4) el período de la Revolución a la Separación (1801-1905).
Período militante

La organización de su disciplina y culto dio a los hugonotes un nuevo poder de expansión. Poco a poco se fueron infiltrando en las filas de la nobleza. Una de las principales familias del reino, los Coligny, aliada de los Montmorency, les proporcionó sus reclutas más distinguidos en d & # 8217Andelot, el almirante Coligny y el cardenal Odet de Chatillon. Pronto la reina de Navarra, Juana de Albret, hija de Margarita de Navarra, profesó el calvinismo y lo introdujo a la fuerza en sus dominios. Su marido, Antoine * de Bourbon, el primer príncipe de sangre, parecía en ocasiones haberse pasado a los hugonotes con su hermano el príncipe de Condéacute, quien, por su parte, nunca vaciló en su lealtad a la nueva secta. Incluso el Parlamento de París, que había llevado a cabo con tanta energía la lucha contra la herejía, se dejó manchar y muchos de sus miembros adoptaron la nueva doctrina. Fue necesario tratar con severidad a estos muchos fueron encarcelados, Antoine * du Bourg entre otros. Pero en este punto murió Enrique II, dejando el trono a un delicado niño de dieciséis años. Nada podría haber sido más ventajoso para los hugonotes. Justo en ese momento formaron un grupo numeroso en casi todos los distritos de Francia. Ciertas provincias, como Normandía, contenían hasta 5000 de ellas un día 6000 personas en el Préacute-aux-clercs, en París, cantaron los Salmos de Marot que los hugonotes habían adoptado. seis iglesias organizadas. Dos años más tarde, Burdeos contó 7000 de la Rouen reformada, se mencionan 10,000 de 20,000 en Toulouse, y el Príncipe de Cond & eacute presentó una lista de 2050 iglesias & # 151 que, es cierto, no se pueden identificar. El nuncio papal escribió a Roma que el reino era más de la mitad hugonote, esto era sin duda una exageración, pues el embajador veneciano estimaba que el distrito contaminado con este error no era la décima parte de Francia; sin embargo, es evidente que los hugonotes ya no podían ser considerados como un puñado de individuos dispersos, cuyo caso podría ser tratado satisfactoriamente por unos pocos procesos judiciales. Organizados en iglesias unidas por sínodos, reforzados por el apoyo de grandes señores de los cuales algunos tenían acceso a los consejos de la Corona, los calvinistas constituyeron a partir de entonces un poder político que ejercía su actividad en los asuntos nacionales y tenía una historia propia.

Después de la ascensión de Francisco II, y gracias a la influencia de los Guisa, que eran todopoderosos con el rey y muy devotos del catolicismo, los edictos contra los hugonotes se hicieron aún más severos. Antoine * du Bourg fue quemado, y un edicto real (4 de septiembre de 1559) ordenó que las casas en las que se celebraran reuniones ilegales fueran arrasadas y los organizadores de tales reuniones fueran castigados con la muerte. Amargados por estas medidas, los hugonotes se aprovecharon de todas las causas de descontento ofrecidas por el gobierno de los Guisa. Después de consultar con sus teólogos en Estrasburgo y Ginebra, resolvieron recurrir a las armas. Se formó un complot, cuyo verdadero líder era el Príncipe de Conde, aunque su organización fue confiada al Sieur de la Renaudi & eacute, un noble de P & eacuterigord, que había sido condenado por falsificación por el Parlamento de Dijon, había huido a Ginebra. y se había convertido en un calvinista ardiente. Visitó Ginebra e Inglaterra, y recorrió las provincias de Francia para reclutar soldados y reunirlos en la Corte, porque el plan era capturar a los Guisa sin, como dijeron los conspiradores, poner las manos sobre la persona del rey. Mientras que la Corte para desarmar la hostilidad hugonote ordenaba a sus agentes que desistieran de los enjuiciamientos y proclamaba una amnistía general de la que sólo se exceptuaban a los predicadores y conspiradores, los Guisa fueron advertidos de que se estaba tramando el complot, y así se les permitió sofocar la revuelta en la sangre de los conspiradores que se reunían en bandas alrededor de Amboise, donde se alojaba el rey (19 de marzo de 1560). El resentimiento suscitado por la severidad de esta represión y el nombramiento como canciller de Michel de L & # 8217H & ocircpital, un magistrado de gran moderación, pronto llevó a la adopción de consejos menos violentos, el Edicto de Romorantin (mayo de 1560) suavizó la suerte de los protestantes. , quienes tuvieron como sus defensores ante la & # 8220Asamblea de Notables & # 8221 (agosto de 1560) el Príncipe de Conde, el canciller L & # 8217H & ocircpital, y los Obispos de Valence y Vienne.

La accesión de Carlos IX, menor de edad (diciembre de 1560), llevó al poder, como reina regente, a su madre, Catalina de & # 8217 Médicis. Esto fue una suerte para los hugonotes. Casi indiferente a las cuestiones de doctrina, la ambiciosa regente no tuvo escrúpulos en conceder ningún grado de tolerancia, siempre que pudiera disfrutar de su poder en paz. Permitió que el Conde y los Coligny practicaran la religión reformada en la corte, e incluso convocó a predicar allí a Jean de Mouluc, obispo de Valence, un calvinista apenas oculto por su mitra. Al mismo tiempo, ordenó al Parlamento de París que suspendiera los enjuiciamientos y autorizó el culto hugonote fuera de las ciudades hasta que un consejo nacional se hubiera pronunciado sobre el asunto. Un edicto promulgado en el mes de abril, si bien prohibía las manifestaciones religiosas, puso en libertad a quienes habían sido encarcelados por motivos religiosos. En vano intentó el Parlamento de París suspender la publicación de este edicto, una comisión judicial compuesta por príncipes, altos funcionarios de la Corona y miembros del Consejo Real, concedió a los hugonotes la amnistía con la única condición de que en el futuro vivieran como Católicos. Con la esperanza de lograr una reconciliación entre las dos religiones, Catharine reunió a prelados católicos y ministros hugonotes en la Conferencia de Poissy. Para este último, Th & eacuteodore de B & egraveze habló en nombre del primero, el cardenal de Lorena. Cada parte reclamó la victoria. En conclusión, el rey prohibió a los hugonotes poseer propiedades eclesiásticas ya los católicos interferir con el culto hugonote. En enero de 1562, los hugonotes fueron autorizados a celebrar sus asambleas fuera de las ciudades, pero tuvieron que restaurar todas las propiedades arrebatadas al clero y abstenerse de tumultos y reuniones ilegales. Este edicto, sin embargo, sólo exasperó a las facciones rivales en París, provocó disturbios que obligaron a Catalina y a la Corte a huir. El duque de Guisa, en su camino desde Lorena para reunirse con la reina, encontró en Vassy, ​​en Champagne, unos seiscientos o setecientos hugonotes que celebraban un culto religioso (1 de marzo de 1562), que según el Edicto de enero no tenían derecho a hacer. Vassy es una ciudad fortificada. Su canto pronto interfirió con la misa a la que asistía el duque de Guisa. Siguieron provocaciones mutuas, estalló una pelea y se derramó sangre. Veintitrés hugonotes murieron y más de cien resultaron heridos.

Inmediatamente, a la llamada del Príncipe de Conde, comenzó la primera de las guerras civiles llamadas & # 8220wars of religion & # 8221. Los hugonotes se levantaron, como decían, para hacer respetar el edicto de enero, que el duque de Guisa estaba pisoteando. En todas partes, las animosidades mutuas se desahogaron en actos de violencia. Los hugonotes fueron masacrados en un lugar, los monjes y los religiosos en otro. Dondequiera que los insurgentes obtuvieran el dominio, las iglesias fueron saqueadas, las estatuas y cruces mutiladas, los utensilios sagrados profanados en burlescos sacrílegos y las reliquias de los santos arrojadas a las llamas. Los encuentros más graves tuvieron lugar en Orléacuteans, donde el duque de Guisa fue asesinado a traición por un hugonote. El asesino Poltrot de M & eacuter & eacute declaró que B & egraveze y Coligny le habían insistido. Finalmente, aunque Conde y Coligny no se habían avergonzado de comprar el apoyo de la reina Isabel de Inglaterra entregándole el Havre, la victoria quedó en manos de los católicos. Peace was established by the Edict of Amboise (19 March, 1563), which left the Huguenots freedom of worship in one town out of each bailiwick (bailliage) and in the castles of lords who exercised the power of life and death (haute justice). Four years later there was another civil war which lasted six months and ended in the Peace of Longjumeau (23 March, 1568), re-establishing the Edict of Amboise. Five months later hostilities recommenced. Conde occupied La Rochelle, but he was killed at Jarnac, and Coligny, who succeeded to his command was defeated at Moncontour. Peace was made in the following year, and the Edict of Saint-Germain (8 April, 1570) granted the Huguenots freedom of worship wherever their worship had been carried on before the war, besides leaving in their hands the four following refuges — La Rochelle, Montauban, La Charite, and Cognac.

On his return to Court, Coligny found great favour with the king and laboured to win his support for the revolted Netherlands. The marriage of Henry, King of Navarre, with the king’s sister, Margaret of Valois, soon after this brought all the Huguenots lords to Paris. Catharine de’ Medici, jealous of Coligny’s influence with the king, and it may be in collusion with the Duke of Guise who had his father’s death to avenge on the admiral, plotted the death of the latter. But the attempt failed Coligny was only wounded. Catharine, fearing reprisals from the Huguenot’s, suddenly won over the king and his council to the idea of putting to death the Huguenot leaders assembled in Paris. Thus occurred the odious Massacre of St. Bartholomew, so called from the saint whose feast fell on the same day (24 August, 1572), Admiral Coligny being slain with many of his Huguenot followers. The massacre spread to many provincial towns. The number of victims is estimated at 2000 for the capital, and 6000 to 8000 for the rest of France. The king explained to foreign courts that Coligny and his partisans had organized a plot against his person and authority, and that he (the king) had merely suppressed it. Thus it was that Pope Gregory XIII at first believed in a conspiracy of the Huguenots, and, persuaded that the king had but defended himself against these heretics, held a service of thanksgiving for the repression of the conspiracy, and commemorated it by having a medal struck, which he sent with his felicitations to Charles IX. There is no proof that the Catholic clergy were in the slightest degree connected with the massacre. Cries of horror and malediction arose from the Huguenot ranks their writers made France and the countries beyond its borders echo with those cries by means of pamphlets in which, for the first time, they attacked theabsolute power, or even the very institution of royalty. After St. Bartholomew’s the Huguenots, though bereft of their leaders, rushed to arms. This was the fourth civil war, and centred about a few fortified towns, such as La Rochelle, Montauban, and Nîmes. The Edict of Boulogne (25 June, 1573) put an end to it, granting to all Huguenots amnesty for the past and liberty to worship in those three towns. It was felt that the rising power of the Huguenots was broken — that from this juncture forward they would never again be able to sustain a conflict except by allying themselves with political malcontents. They themselves wereconscious of this they gave themselves a political organization which facilitated the mobilization of all their forces. In their synods held from 1573 to 1588 they organized France into généralités, placing at the head of each a general, with a permanent council and periodical assemblies. The delegates of these généralités were to form the States General of the Union, which were to meet every three months. Special committees were created for the recruiting of the army, the management of the finances, and the administration of justice. Over the whole organization a “protector of the churches” was appointed, who was the chief of the party. Conde held this title from 1574 Henry of Navarre after 1576. It was, so to say, a permanently organized revolt. In 1574 hostilities recommenced the Huguenots and the malcontents joined forces against impotent royalty until they wrested from Henry, the successor of Charles IX (30 May, 1574), by the Edict of Beaulieu (May, 1576) the right of public worship for the religion, thenceforth officially called the prétendue reformée, throughout France, except at Paris and the Court. There were also to be established chambers composed of equal numbers of Catholics and Huguenots in eight Parliaments eight places de sureté were to be given to the Huguenots there was to be a disclaimer of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, and the families which had suffered from it were to be reinstated. These large concessions to the Huguenots and the approbation given to their political organization led to the formation of the League, which was organized by Catholics anxious to defend their religion. The States-General of Blois (December, 1576) declared itself against the Edict of Beaulieu. Thereupon the Protestants took up arms under the leadership of Henry of Navarre, who, escaping from the Court, had returned to the Calvinism which he had abjured at the time of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. The advantage was on the Catholic side, thanks to some successes achieved by the Duke of Anjou, the king’s brother. The Peace of Bergerac, confirmed by the Edict of Poitiers (September, 1577), left the Huguenots the free exercise of their religion only in the suburbs of one town in each bailiwick (bailliage), and in those places where it had been practised before the outbreak of hostilities and which they occupied at the current date.

The national synods, which served to fill up the intervals between armed struggles, give us a glimpse into the forces at work in the interior life of the Huguenot party. The complaints made at their synods show clearly that the fervour of their early days had disappeared laxity and dissensions were finding their way into their ranks, and at times pastors and their flocks were at variance. It was necessary to forbid pastors to publish anything touching religious controversies or political affairs without the express approval of their conferences, and the consistories were asked (1581) to stem the ever-widening wave of dissolution which threatened their church. A Venetian ambassador writes at this period that the number of Huguenots had decreased by seventy per cent. But the death of the Duke of Anjou on 10 June, 1584, the sole surviving heir of the direct line of the Valois, revived their hopes, since the King of Navarre thus became heir presumptive to the throne. The prospect thus opened aroused the League it called upon Henry III to interdict Huguenot worship everywhere, and to declare the heretics incapable of holding any benefices or public offices — and consequently the King of Navarre incapable of succeeding to the throne. By the Convention of Nemours (7 July, 1585) the king accepted these conditions he revoked all previous edicts of pacification, ordered the ministers to leave the kingdom immediately and the other Huguenots within six months, unless they chose to be converted. This edict, it was said, sent more Huguenots to Mass than St. Bartholomew’s had, and resulted in the disappearance of all their churches north of the Loire it was therefore impossible for them to profit by the hostilities which broke out between the king and the Guises, and resulted in the assassination of the Guises at the States-General of Blois (23 December, 1588) and the death of Henry III at the siege of the revolted city of Paris (1 August, 1589). Henry of Navarre succeeded as Henry IV, after promising the Royalist Catholics who had joined him that he would seek guidance and instruction from a council to be held within six months, or sooner if possible, and that in the meantime he would maintain the exclusive practice of the Catholic religion in all those places where the Huguenot religion was not actually being practised. Circumstances prevented him from keeping his word. The League held Paris and the principal towns of France, and he was forced into a long struggle against it, in which he was enabled to secure victory only after his conversion to Catholicism (July, 1593), and, above all, after his reconciliation with the pope (September, 1595). The Huguenots had meanwhile been able to obtain from him only the measure of tolerance guaranteed by the Edict of Poitiers they had profited by this to reopen at Montauban (June, 1594) the synods which had been interrupted for eleven years. They soon completed their political organization in the Assemblies of Saumur and Loudun, they extended it to the whole of France and claimed to treat with the king as equal with equal, bargaining with him for their help against the Spaniards, refusing him their contingents at the siege of Amiens, withdrawing them in the midst of a campaign during the siege of La Fère. Thus they brought the king, who was besides anxious to end the civil war, to grant them the Edict of Nantes (April-May, 1598).
Under the Edict of Nantes

This edict, containing 93 public and 36 secret articles, provided in the first place that the Catholic religion should be re-established wherever it had been suppressed, together with all the property and rights previously enjoyed by the clergy. The Huguenots obtained the free exercise of their religious worship in all places where it actually existed, as also in two localities in every bailiwick (bailliage), in castles of lords possessing the right of life and death, and even in those of the ordinary nobles in which the number of the faithful did not exceed thirty. They were eligible for all public offices, for admission to colleges and academies, could hold synods and even political meetings they received 45,000 crowns annually for expenses of worship and support of schools they were given in the Parliament of Paris a tribunal in which their representatives constituted one-third of the members, while in those of Grenoble, Bordeaux, and Toulouse special chambers were created, half of whose members were Huguenot. One hundred places de sureté were ceded to them for eight years, and, while the king paid the garrison of these fortresses, he named the governors only with the assent of thechurches. If many of these provisions are nowadays recognized by common law, some on the other hand would seem incompatible with orderly government. This condition of benevolent and explicit tolerance was entirely new for the Huguenots. Many of them considered that too little had been yielded to them, while the Catholics thought that they had been given too much. Pope Clement VIII energetically complained of the edict to Cardinal d’Ossat, the king’s ambassador the French clergy protested against it and many of the parliaments refused for a long time to register it. Henry IV succeeded finally in imposing his will on all parties, and for some years the Edict of Nantes ensured the religious peace of France. The Huguenots, possessing at that time 773 churches, enjoyed during the reign of Henry IV the most perfect calm their happiness was marred only by the efforts of the Catholic clergy to make converts among them. Cardinal du Perron and many of the Jesuits, Capuchins, and other religious engaged in this work, and sometimes with great success. Upon the death of Henry IV (1610) there was at first no change in the situation of the Protestants. They did indeed raise numerous complaints in their assemblies of Saumur, Grenoble, La Rochelle, and Loudun, but in reality they had no grievances to allege except those due to popular intolerance with which the Government had nothing to do.Truth compels the less prejudiced among their historians to admit that the Huguenots, who complained so much of Catholic intolerance, were themselves just as intolerant wherever they happened to be the stronger. Not only did they retain the church property and the exclusive use of the churches, but, wherever possible (as at Béarn), they even opposed the enforcement of those clauses of the Edict of Nantes which were favourable to Catholics. They went so far as to prohibit Catholic worship in the towns that had been ceded to them. It was with the greatest difficulty that Sully, the minister of Henry IV and himself a Protestant, could obtain for Catholic priests permission to enter the hospitals of La Rochelle, when summoned to administer the sacraments, and authorization to bury, with never so little solemnity, their dead co-religionists. To this intolerance, which often explains the attitude of the Catholics, they added the imprudence of showing themselves ever ready to make common cause with the domestic enemies of the State, or with any lords who might be in revolt. In 1616, in Guyenne, Languedoc, and Piotou, they allied themselves with Rohan and Conde, who hadrisen against the queen regent, Marie de’ Medici. They again got restless when the king, conformably with the Edict of Nantes, re-established Catholicism at Béarn. An assembly, held at La Rochelle despite the king’s prohibition, divided the realm into eight military circles, and among other matters provided for plundering the king’srevenues and the goods of the Church. To deal with this condition of affairs the king was obliged to capture Saumur, Thouars, and other rebellious towns. He laid siege to Montauban, which city, defended by Rohan and La Force, repelled all his assaults. Lastly he invested Montpellier and had no better success nevertheless peace was signed there (October, 1622), according to which the Edict of Nantes was confirmed, political meetings were forbidden, and the cities which had been won from the Protestants remained in the king’s hands. Cardinal de Richelieu, when he became prime minister, entertained the idea of putting an end to the political power of the Huguenots while respecting their religious liberty. Rohan and Soubise, on the pretext that the Edict of Nantes had been violated, quickly effected an uprising of the South of France, and did not hesitate to make an alliance with England, as a result of which an English fleet of ninety vessels manned by 10,000 men endeavoured to effect a landing at La Rochelle (July, 1627). The king and Richelieu laid siege to this stronghold of the revolted Huguenots they drove off the English fleet, and even made its approach to the place impossible in future by means of a mole about 1640 yards long which they constructed. In spite of the fanatical heroism of the mayorGuiton and his co-religionists, La Rochelle was obliged to capitulate. Richelieu used his victory with moderation he left the inhabitants the free exercise of their religion, granted them a full amnesty, and restored all property to its owners. Rohan, pursued by Conde and Epernon, kept up the war, not disdaining to accept succour from Spain, but he was at last obliged to sign the Peace of Alais, by which the Edict of Nantes was renewed, an amnesty promised, the cities taken from the Huguenots, and the religious wars brought to an end (June, 1629). Subsequently Protestantism disappeared from the stage of politics, content to enjoy in peace the advantages of a religious character which were still accorded to it. The strife was transferred to the field of controversy. Public lectures, polemical and erudite writings, were multiplied, and preachers and professors of theology — such as Chamier, Amyraut, Rivet, Basnage, Blondel, Daillé, Bochart — demonstrated their industry, learning, and courage. The Church in France, more and more affected by the beneficent influence of the Council of Trent, opposed them with vigorous and learned controversialists, with prudent and zealous preachers, such as Sirmond, Labbe, Coton, St. Francis de Sales, Cospéan, Lejeune, Sénault, Tenouillet, Coeffeteau, de Bérulle, Condren, whose success was manifested in numerous conversions. These conversions took place especially in the higher circles of society the great lords abandoned Calvinism, which retained its influence only among the middle classes. Excluded from the public service, the Huguenots became manufacturers, merchants, and farmers the number of their churches decreased to 630 their religious activity lessened between 1631 and 1659 they held only four synods. Without being sympathetic towards them, the public authorities respected the religious liberty guaranteed by the Edict of Nantes. Richelieu judged that the scope of that edict should not be widened, nor should the liberties there granted be curtailed, and even Protestant historians pay tribute to his moderation. Louis XIV being a minor at his accession, his mother, Anne of Austria, began her regency by promising to the Protestants the enjoyment of their liberties. Mazarin abstained from disturbing them. “If the little flock”, he said, “feeds on evil weeds, it does not wander away” (Si le petit troupeau broute de mauvaises herbes, il ne s’écarte pas). It is indeed true that some of the feudal lords, the Duc de Bouillon among others, when they gave up Calvinism, caused the temples within their jurisdictions to be closed but the Edict of Nantes permitted this, and the Government had neither the right nor the inclination to prevent it. In 1648, when Alsace with the exception of Strasburg was reunited with France, liberty of public worship was maintained for all the new subjects who were of the Augsburg Confession. In 1649 the Royal Council, dealing with certain complaints of the Huguenots, declared that those of the “pseudo-reformed” (prétendue réformée) religion should not be disturbed in the practice of their worship, and ordered the reopening of some of their temples which had been closed. Thus the Protestant minister Jurieu could write that the years between the Rising of the Fronde and the Peace of the Pyrenees were among the happiest within the memory of his creed.

In proportion as Louis XIV got the reins of government into his own hands, the position of the Huguenots became increasingly unfavourable. After 1660 they were forbidden to hold national synods. At that time they counted 623 churches served by 723 pastors, who ministered to about 1,200,000 members. A commission, established in 1661 to inquire into the titles on which their places of worship were held, brought about the demolition of more than 100 churches, for which no warrant could be found in the provisions of the Edict of Nantes. A royal order of 1663 deprived relapsed persons — i.e. those who had returned to Protestantism after having abjured it — of the benefit of the Edict of Nantes, and condemned them to perpetual banishment. A year later, it is true, this order was suspended, and proceedings under it were arrested. Then, by another ordinance, parish priests were authorized to present themselves with a magistrate at the domicile of any sick person and to ask whether such person wished to die in heresy or to be converted to the true religion the children of Protestants were declared competent to embrace Catholicism at the age of seven, their parents being obliged to make an allowance for their separate support conformably with their station in life. The Protestants soon saw themselves excluded from public office the chambers in which the parties were equally represented were suppressed, Huguenot preaching was restrained and emigration was forbidden under pain of confiscation of property.

These measures and others of less importance were taken chiefly in response to demands made by the Assemblies of the Clergy or by public opinion. Their efficacy was augmented by the controversial works, those of Bosseut, “Exposition de la doctrine catholique”, “Avertissement aux Protestants”, “Histoire des variations des Eglises protestantes”, being conspicuously brilliant, to which the ministers — Claude, Jurieu, Pajon — replied but feebly. Meanwhile the commissioners (intendants) were working with all their might to bring about conversions of Protestants, to which end some of them made as much use of dragoons as they did missionaries, so that their system of making converts by force rather than by conviction came to be branded with the name of dragonnade.
From the revocation of the Edict of Nantes to the Revolution

Trusting in the number and sincerity of these conversions, Louis XIV thought it no longer necessary to observe half measures with the Huguenots, and consequently revoked the Edict of Nantes on 18 October, 1685. Thenceforward the exercise of public worship was forbidden to the Protestants their churches were to be demolished they were prohibited from assembling for the practice of their religion in private houses. Protestant ministers who would not be converted were ordered to leave the kingdom within fifteen days. Parents were forbidden to instruct their children in Protestantism, and ordered to have them baptized by priests and sent to Catholic schools. Four months’ grace was granted the fugitive Protestants to return to France and recover their property after the lapse of this period the said property would be definitively confiscated. Emigration was forbidden for men under pain of the galleys, and for women under pain of imprisonment. Subject to these conditions Protestants might live within the realm, carry on commerce, and enjoy their property without being molested on account of their religion. This measure, which was regrettable from many points of view, evoked in France unanimous applause from Catholics of all classes. With the exception of Vauban and Saint-Simon, all the great men of that period highly approved of the revocation. This attitude is explained by the ideas of the time. Tolerance was almost unknown in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and, in those countries where they had the ascendancy, the Protestants had been long inflicting upon Catholics a treatment harder than they themselves underwent in France. At Geneva and in Holland Catholic worship was absolutely forbidden in Germany, after the Peace of Augsburg, all subjects were bound to take the religion of their prince, in accordance with the adage: Cujus regio ejus religio. England, which even forced those who dissented from the Established Church to seek religious liberty in America, treated Catholics more harshly than did Turkey all priests were banished from the country should one of them return and be caught in the exercise of his functions, he was condemned to death a heavy tribute was imposed upon Papists, as though they were slaves.

The Revocation did not produce the effect intended by its author. Scarcely had it been published when, in spite of all prohibitions, a mighty movement of emigration developed in the provinces adjacent to the frontiers.Vauban had to write that the “Revocation brought about the desertion of 100,000 Frenchmen, the exportation of 60,000,000 livres ($12,000,000), the ruin of commerce enemies’ fleets were reinforced by 9000 sailors, the best in thekingdom, and foreign armies by 600 officers and 1200 men, more inured to war than their own.” Those who remained took advantage of the last article of the Revocation to dispense with attendance at church and the reception of the sacraments at the hour of death. The king in his embarrassment consulted the bishops and the intendants, and their replies inclined him to relax the execution of the edict of revocation somewhat, without changing anything in its letter. On the other hand, a few preachers remained in spite of the Revocation, and clandestinely organized their worship in the fields and in remote places, or, as the Protestant historians express it, “in the desert”. Of this number were Brousson, Corteiz, and Regnart. In the Vivarais the management of the churches passed into the hands of the illuminés — fanatical preachers, peasants, and young girls — who stirred up the population with prophesies of the approaching triumph of their cause. Three armies and three marshals of France had to march against these insurgents (the Camisards), who were reduced to order only after a struggle of five or six years’ duration (1702-1708).

From that time the churches lived only as secret associations, without religious worship and without regular gatherings. The ministers were hunted into hiding, those who were caught being mercilessly put to death. Still, some of them were not afraid to risk their lives the best known of these, Antoine* Court (1696-1760), spent nearly twenty years in this secret labour, travelling through the South, and distributing propagandist or polemical tracts, holding numerous meetings “in thedesert”, and even organizing semblances of provincial synods in 1715, and national synods in 1726. Retiring to Lausanne in 1729, he founded there a seminary for the education of pastors for the Protestant ministry in France. This condition of official persecution and hidden vitality lasted until after the middle of the eighteenth century. The authorities continued to hang ministers and destroy churches until 1762 but ideas of toleration had for some time been gradually finding their way into the mind of the nation prosecutions for religious offences became unpopular, especially after the Calas affair. A Protestant of that name at Toulouse was charged with having killed one of his sons to prevent his becoming a Catholic. Arrested and condemned on this charge by the Parliament of Toulouse (9 March, 1762), he was executed at the age of sixty-eight after a trial which created great excitement. His widow and children demanded justice. Voltaire took up their cause and succeeded by his writings in arousing the public opinion of France and of Europe against the Parliament of Toulouse. The Supreme Council (Grand Conseil) unanimously reversed the judgment of the Parliament, and another tribunal rehabilitated the memory of Calas. The Protestants derived great benefit from the trend of public feeling resulting from this rehabilitation. Without any legislative change as yet, the modification of public opinion incessantly tended to the improvement of their lot, and the Government treated them with a tacittoleration. At last, in 1787, a decided amelioration of their condition came with the Edict of Toleration, which granted to non-Catholics the right to practise a profession or handicraft without molestation, permission to be legally married before magistrates, and to have births officially recorded. In practice these liberties went even farther, and churches were openly organized. Two years later complete liberty and access to all employments were recognized as belonging to them, no less than to other citizens, by the “Declaration of theRights of Man “, voted by the Constituent Assembly (August, 1789). This legislative body, which for a short period (March, 1790) was presided over by the Protestant pastor Rabaud, went so far as to order that the property of those who had emigrated under the Revocation should be restored to their descendants, who might even recover their rights as French citizens on condition that they took up their residence in France. Protestants had to suffer, like Catholics, though infinitely less, from the sectarian and anti-religious spirit of the Revolution churches vanished during the Reign of Terror religious worship could not be reorganized until about the year 1800.
From the Revolution to the separation (1801-1905)

When order was restored the Huguenots were included in the measures initiated by Napoleon for pacifying the nation. They received from him an entirely new organization. At this time there were in France about 430,000 Réformés. By the law of 18 Germinal, Year X (7 April, 1802), there was to be a consistorial church for every 6000 believers, and five consistorial churches were to form a synod. The consistory of each church was to be composed of a pastor and the leading elders. They were entrusted with the maintenance of discipline, the administration of property, and the election of pastors, whose names had, however, to be submitted for the approval of the head of the State. Each synod was composed of a pastor and an elder from each of the churches, and had to superintend public worship and religious instruction. It could assemble only with the consent of the Government under the presidency of the prefect or the sub-prefect, and for not longer than six days. Its enactments had to be submitted for approval to the head of the State. There was no national synod. The churches of the Augsburg Confession, chiefly in Alsace, had, instead of synods, boards of inspection subordinate to three general consistories. Salaries were guaranteed to the pastors, who were exempt from military service. The old seminary of Lausanne was transferred to Geneva, at that time a French city, and then to Montauban (1809) and annexed to the university as a faculty of theology. For the churches of the Augsburg Confession, two seminaries or faculties were to be erected in the east of France. Politically, Protestantism had no further modifications to undergo, whatever changes of government there might be. In the early days of the Restoration its members had, indeed, a certain amount of rough usage to suffer in some of the cities of the south, but this was the work of local animosity or of personal vengeance, and the publicauthorities had no part in it. The churches laboured to adapt themselves as well as possible to the system of organization that had been imposed on them.

In 1806, after Napoleon’s conquests, there were 76 consistories with 171 pastors. The religious life of their churches was very languid indifference reigned everywhere. At Paris, the pastor Boistard complained that out of 10,000 Protestants hardly fifty or a hundred attended worship regularly — two or three hundred at most during the fine season. The pastors, hastily prepared for their work at Geneva, brought back generally with them rationalistic tendencies they were content to fulfil the routine duties of their profession. Their preaching dwelt upon the commonplaces of morality or of natural religion. Two tendencies in regard to dogma were beginning to reveal themselves. One of these was represented by Daniel Encoutre, dean of the theological faculty at Montauban, and was directed towards rigid orthodoxy, based firmly on dogmas and confessions the other was championed especially by Samuel Vincent, one of the most respected pastors of the time, and put religious feeling above doctrine and morality, Christianity being according to this view a life rather than an aggregate of facts and revealed truths. The movement known as the Réveil (Awakening) helped to accentuate this divergence. The men who constituted themselves its propagators in France during the first years of the Restoration were disciples of Wesley. They insisted, in their sermons, on the absolute powerlessness of man to save himself by his own efforts, upon justification by faith alone, upon individual conversion, and were animated by a zeal for the saving of souls and the preaching of the Gospel which contrasted strangely with the indolence of the official Protestant pastors. The Réveil was ill received by the two sections into which French Protestantism was beginning to divide. The orthodox, while accepting its doctrines, did not sympathize with its efforts at a renewal of the spiritual life, of renunciation and sacrifice, and of zeal for saving souls. This they plainly showed at Lyons where they effected the removal of the pastor Adolphe Monod, who had wished to introduce Réveil practices. For the representatives of the liberal tendencies, the preaching of the Réveil was nothing but a collection of superannuated doctrines, in opposition alike to what they called the spirit of the Gospel and to the ideas and aspirations of modern society.

These three tendencies grew farther apart from day to day. The friends of Réveil, sometimes called Methodists, severed their connection with the Reformed Churches of France, and organized in 1830 in the Rue Taitbout, Paris, a free Church of which Edmond de Pressense soon became the most noted leader. In their profession of faith and their disciplinary regulations they emphasized the individual character of faith, the Church’s independence of the State, and the duty of maintaining a propaganda. Some of them, with the periodical “L’Esperance” for their organ, refused to break with the National Church. The Liberals, who were at first called Latitudinarians or Rationalists, repudiated the earlier confessions of faith, predestination by absolute decree and illumination by irresistible grace, and the whole body of their doctrine — according to M. Nicolas, one of their number — consisted in “avoiding Calvinistic and Rationalistic exaggerations”. A synod held in 1848, consisting of fifty-two ministers and thirty-eight elders, increased the existing divisions. The Liberals obtained the presidency, and, in deference to their wishes, the question of confessions of faith was set aside by an almost unanimous vote, the synod contenting itself with drawing up an address in which the majority set forth the principles common to French Protestants, namely, respect for the Bible and the liturgies, and faith in historical and supernatural Christianity. But as the assembly refused to re-establish a clear and positive profession of faith, the pastors Frederic Monod, Amal, and Cambon left the official Church, and issued an appeal to all the independent churches which had been formed by the labours of isolated evangelists. In 1849 they held a synod, in which thirteen of these already formed churches and eighteen which were in process of formation were represented, voted a profession of faith, and established the “Union of the Free Evangelical Churches of France” (Union des eglises évangéliques libres de France).

All these divisions made a civil reorganization of the churches desirable it was effected by a decree of Louis Napoleon, who was then President of the Republic. This decree reconstituted the parishes, placing them under a presbyterial council of pastors and elders. At the head of the hierarchy so constituted was a central council, the members of which were appointed by the Government its function was merely to represent the churches in their relations with the head of the State, without possessing any religious or disciplinary authority. The Lutheran churches were placed under the authority of the Superior Consistory and of a Directory. The only subsequent modification in the status of these churches resulted from the Prussian annexation, after the War of 1870, of the Alsatian territories, where there were a great many Protestants the Lutheran churches by this event lost two-thirds of their membership, and their faculty of theology had to be transferred from Strasburg to Paris, where it augmented the strength of the Liberal section. The gulf between the two parties still continued to widen. The Orthodox vainly endeavoured, by abandoning the formulae of the old theology, and by rejecting all but the great facts and essential doctrines of Christianity, to maintain their position the Liberals, following the lead of the “Revuede Strasbourg”, displayed an ever greater readiness to welcome the most radical conclusions ofGerman rationalistic criticism, particularly those of the Tübingen School. The authority of Holy Scripture, the Divinity of Christ, the idea of the Redemption, of miracles, of the supernatural, were successively abandoned. M. Pécaut, a representative of this tendency, even wrote in 1859 a book (Le Christ et la conscience) in which he called in question the moral perfection and holiness of Christ. Others — and among them pastors such as Athanase Coquerel the Younger, Albert Réville, and Paschoud — did not conceal their sympathy for Renan’s “Vie de Jésus”. The two last named of these, indeed, were deprived of theirchurches by the council they of course asserted in defence of their ideas — as, for that matter, did all the Liberals — that they had only used the right of free inquiry — the right which constitutes the whole of Protestantism, since the Reformation was based on the right of every man to interpret the Scriptures according to his own lights. Their opponents replied that, if this were so, the Church was impossible that a common worship presupposes common beliefs. This question brought on many lively discussions between the representatives of the two tendencies in the Press, at the conferences, and in theelections for the presbyterial councils. To restore peace, a general synod had to be convoked with the consent of the Government in June, 1872. Here the orthodox had a majority a profession of faith was carried by sixty-one votes to forty-five, and subscription to it was made obligatory upon all the young pastors. This decision became an insurmountable barrier between the two parties. The Liberals, not content with repudiating the notion of any obligatory confession of faith, refused, so long as it was maintained, to take any part in the synod of 1872, and have also abstained from participating in any of the general synods, which have been held about every three years since 1879, at Paris, Nantes, Sedan, Auduze and elsewhere, and from which the orthodox party have taken the name of “the Synodal Church”. For all that, the Liberals had no intention of breaking with the organization recognized by the State. Numerous attempts have been made in the last thirty years, to bring about an understanding between the two parties, but have not succeeded in establishing doctrinal unity. The Separation seems calculated rather to increase the divisions, and already a third party has been formed by the fusion at Jarnac (1 October, 1906) of 65 Liberal churches and 40 Synodal under the name of the “Union des Eglises Reformées”.

Divided among themselves on doctrinal questions, the Protestants have by no means lost their solidarity in regard to external activities. The movement of spiritual renovation which followed the Napoleonic wars produced among them various propagandist, educational, and benevolent enterprises, such as the “Societe biblique” (1819), the “Societe des traites religieux” (1861), the “Societe des missions évangéliques de Paris” (1824), theSociety for the Promotion of Primary Instruction among Protestants (1829), the Institution of Deaconesses (1841), the agricultural colony of Sainte-Toy (1842), and divers orphanages, homes for neglected children, and primary schools. Of these last, the greater number (about 2000) have been closed since 1882. The missionary activity of the French Protestants has been chiefly exerted through the “Societe des missions évangéliques de Paris”, at Bassoutos (South Africa), where they count at the present time 15,000 adherents, with schools and a printing press in Madagascar, where a large number of schools are dependent on them (117 schools, according to statistics for 1908, with 7500 pupils) in Senegal, in French Congo, in Zambesi, Tahiti, and New Caledonia. Some sixty missionaries are at work on these missions, and in late years they have received an annual grant amounting to about 320,000 dollars. At home their propaganda is carried on chiefly among the Catholic population by the “Societe centrale protestante d’evangelisation”, with a budget of 90,000 dollars per annum by the “Societe évangéliquede France”, which in some years has received as much as 24,000 dollars by the “Mission populaire évangélique” (MacAll) without, however, any appreciable success.

Journalistic enterprise has not been overlooked. The first Protestant periodical, the “Archives du christianisme”, was founded in 1818 then came the “Annales protestantes” in 1820, the “Mélanges de la religion” in the same year, “Revue protestante” and the “Lien” in 1841, the “Evangéliste” in 1837, the “Espérance” in 1838, the “Revuede Strasbourg” in 1859, the “Revue théologique”, the “Protestant”, the “Vie Nouvelle”, the “Revue chrétienne”, and the “Signal”, a political journal. Only the best-knownperiodicals are mentioned here most of them have disappeared many are, or have been, the organs of particular sections of the Protestants. There must still be, according to the “Agenda, annuaire protestant”, more than 150 in existence, but the majority have only a restricted circulation, and, excepting the “Bulletin historique et littéraire de la société de l’histoire du protestantisme français” (1852), are practically without readers outside of the Protestant world.

At present Protestantism counts about 650,000 adherents in France — 560,000 Réformés, 80,000 Lutherans, and 10,000 independents — that is a little less than one-sixtieth of the population. This seemingly negligible minority has, as everyone admits, made for itself in politics and in the executive government a place out of all proportion to its numerical strength. From areligious point of view Protestantism shows no indications of progress its doctrines are daily losing ground, above all in educated circles. There, as recently declared by M. Edmond Stapfer, dean of the faculty of Protestant theology at Paris, in the “Revue Chrétienne”, “people no longer want most of the traditional beliefs they no longer want the dogmatic system, used by the Reformers and the Réveil, in which many ‘evangelical’ pastors still believe, or by their silence leave the faithful to conclude that they still believe . . . . The intellectuals will have no more of these antiquities, they do not go to hear the pastors preach they are agnostics they respectfully salute the ancient beliefs, but they get on without them, and have no need of them either for their intellectual or their moral life.” Indeed it does not appear that the practice of religion has any more vitality among the masses than faith has among the intellectuals. Official reports made to the synods testify that “the number of mixed marriages is increasing, which proves that faith is diminishing. . . . In certain districts the number is sometimes as many as 95 per cent even in the very Protestant districts, we know of 25 per cent in one place and 20 per cent in others, and as high as 50 per cent of unions of this kind.” As for attendance at publicworship: “Here”, says one report made to the General Synod of Bordeaux (1899), “are the figures for a section of the country which must be classed among the best, that of the Pyrenees. The average of attendance is 32 per cent. It does not go so high everywhere in Paris, for example, it reaches only 11 per cent, and in some churches of Poitou we must go still lower . . . to averages of 5 per cent. The same difference is found in the number of communicants: here it is 12 per cent there, 4 or even 3 per cent.” These are results which would doubtless have astonished and scandalized Calvin, but which are sufficiently explained by the theory of free inquiry and the intimate history of French Protestantism, especially during the last century.


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