Información

Batalla del río Cephisus, c.352 a. C.


Batalla del río Cephisus, c.352 a. C.

La batalla del río Cephisus (c. 352) fue la segunda de una serie de derrotas sufridas por el líder focio Phayllus durante una fallida invasión de Beocia (Tercera Guerra Sagrada).

Phayllus se convirtió en el líder focio después de que su hermano Onomarchus fuera asesinado en la batalla del Crocus Field en Tesalia (353 aC). Casi la mitad del ejército focio fue destruido en esa batalla, pero Phayllus pronto pudo reclutar nuevas tropas. También le ayudó la llegada de 2.000 hombres bajo los tiranos derrotados de Pherae y las tropas enviadas por sus aliados (1.000 de Esparta, 2.000 de Acaya y 5.000 de infantería y 400 de caballería de Atenas).

Phayllus usó su nuevo ejército para llevar a cabo una invasión infructuosa de Beocia. Su primer objetivo fue la ciudad de Orcómeno, pero sufrió una derrota en una batalla cerca de la ciudad.

Luego vino una costosa derrota en el río Cephisus. Diodoro no proporciona detalles de la batalla en sí, pero registra las pérdidas focias como 500 muertos y 400 prisioneros.

El río Cephisus nace en la ladera norte del monte Parnassus, luego fluye hacia el este hacia el lago Copais y desde allí a través de Beocia, antes de girar hacia el norte para llegar al mar. Diodoro no dice en qué parte del río se libró la batalla, pero informa una tercera batalla unos días después en Coroneia. Esto podría sugerir que los focios se trasladaron al este a lo largo de la costa norte del lago Copais después de la derrota en Orcómeno, sufrieron su segunda derrota en el tramo del río entre el lago y el mar, y luego intentaron regresar a casa por el lado sur del río. lago, donde sufrieron su tercera derrota.


Constantino el Grande

Constantino I (Latín: Flavius ​​Valerius Constantinus Griego: Κωνσταντῖνος, translit. Kōnstantînos 27 de febrero c. 272 - 22 de mayo de 337), también conocido como Constantino el Grande, fue emperador romano de 306 a 337. Nacido en Naissus, Dacia Mediterranea (ahora Niš, Serbia), era hijo de Flavius ​​Constantius, un oficial del ejército romano nacido en Dardania, que se convirtió en uno de los cuatro emperadores de la tetrarquía. Su madre, Helena, era griega y de baja cuna. Constantino sirvió con distinción bajo los emperadores Diocleciano y Galerio, haciendo campaña en las provincias orientales contra los bárbaros y los persas, antes de ser llamado al oeste en 305 para luchar bajo el mando de su padre en Gran Bretaña. Después de la muerte de su padre en 306, Constantino fue aclamado como emperador por el ejército en Eboracum (York). Salió victorioso en las guerras civiles contra los emperadores Majencio y Licinio para convertirse en el único gobernante del Imperio Romano en 324.

Como emperador, Constantino promulgó reformas administrativas, financieras, sociales y militares para fortalecer el imperio. Reestructuró el gobierno, separando autoridades civiles y militares. Para combatir la inflación, introdujo el solidus, una nueva moneda de oro que se convirtió en el estándar de las monedas bizantinas y europeas durante más de mil años. El ejército romano se reorganizó para consistir en unidades móviles (comitatenses) y tropas de guarnición (limitanei) capaces de contrarrestar las amenazas internas y las invasiones bárbaras. Constantino llevó a cabo campañas exitosas contra las tribus en las fronteras romanas —los francos, los alamanes, los godos y los sármatas— incluso reubicando territorios abandonados por sus predecesores durante la crisis del siglo III.

Constantino fue el primer emperador romano en convertirse al cristianismo. [notas 2] Aunque vivió gran parte de su vida como pagano y más tarde como catecúmeno, comenzó a favorecer el cristianismo a partir de 312, finalmente se convirtió en cristiano y fue bautizado por Eusebio de Nicomedia, un obispo arriano, o por el Papa Silvestre. Yo, que es mantenido por la Iglesia Católica y la Iglesia Ortodoxa Copta. Jugó un papel influyente en la proclamación del Edicto de Milán en 313, que declaró la tolerancia para el cristianismo en el Imperio Romano. Convocó el Primer Concilio de Nicea en 325, que produjo la declaración de fe cristiana conocida como el Credo de Nicea. [8] La Iglesia del Santo Sepulcro fue construida por orden suya en el supuesto sitio de la tumba de Jesús en Jerusalén y se convirtió en el lugar más sagrado de la cristiandad. El reclamo papal al poder temporal en la Alta Edad Media se basó en la Donación fabricada de Constantino. Históricamente se le ha referido como el "Primer Emperador Cristiano" y favoreció a la Iglesia Cristiana. Mientras que algunos eruditos modernos debaten sus creencias e incluso su comprensión del cristianismo, [notas 3] es venerado como un santo en el cristianismo oriental.

La era de Constantino marcó una época distinta en la historia del Imperio Romano. [11] Construyó una nueva residencia imperial en Bizancio y cambió el nombre de la ciudad a Constantinopla (ahora Estambul) en su honor (el epíteto laudatorio de "Nueva Roma" surgió en su tiempo, y nunca fue un título oficial). Posteriormente se convirtió en la capital del Imperio durante más de mil años, y el posterior Imperio Romano de Oriente se conoce como el imperio Bizantino por los historiadores modernos. Su legado político más inmediato fue que reemplazó la tetrarquía de Diocleciano con la de facto principio de sucesión dinástica, dejando el imperio a sus hijos y otros miembros de la dinastía constantiniana. Su reputación floreció durante la vida de sus hijos y durante siglos después de su reinado. La iglesia medieval lo presentó como un modelo de virtud, mientras que los gobernantes seculares lo invocaron como prototipo, punto de referencia y símbolo de la legitimidad e identidad imperial. [12] A partir del Renacimiento, hubo valoraciones más críticas de su reinado, debido al redescubrimiento de fuentes anti-Constantinianas. Las tendencias en la erudición moderna y reciente han intentado equilibrar los extremos de la erudición anterior.


La batalla de las Termópilas

Introducción
La invasión de Grecia por Jerjes es el tema de la gran historia escrita en nueve libros por Herodoto. Su objetivo es mostrar la preeminencia de Grecia, cuyas flotas y ejércitos derrotaron a las fuerzas de los persas después de que estos últimos triunfaran sobre las naciones más poderosas de la tierra. Jerjes reunió un vasto ejército de todas las partes del imperio. Los fenicios le proporcionaron una flota enorme, e hizo un puente con una doble línea de barcos a través del Helesponto y abrió un canal a través de la península del Monte Athos. Llegó a Sardis en el otoño de A.C. 481, y al año siguiente su ejército cruzó el puente de los botes, tomando siete días y siete noches para el tránsito. El número de sus combatientes era de más de dos millones y medio. Sus barcos de guerra eran mil doscientos siete, y tenía tres mil barcos más pequeños para transportar sus fuerzas terrestres y suministros. En el estrecho paso de Thermopylæ, en el noreste de Grecia, este inmenso ejército fue detenido durante un tiempo por el heroico Leónidas y sus trescientos espartanos, quienes, sin embargo, perecieron en su intento de evitar el ataque persa a Atenas, que la ciudad fue destruida casi por completo por los invasores. La batalla naval de Salamina fue ganada por los griegos contra enormes obstáculos y en la batalla de Platæa, B.C. 479, la derrota de los persas por las fuerzas terrestres griegas se completó con la muerte de Mardonio, el general más famoso de Jerjes.

Esta selección es de Herodoto. Esta es una serie especial de Herodoto. Haga clic aquí para ver los primeros libros de Herodoto.

Hora: 480 AC
Lugar: Thermoplae

Los griegos, cuando llegaron al istmo, consultaron sobre el mensaje que habían recibido de Alejandro, de qué forma y en qué lugares debían proseguir la guerra. La opinión que prevaleció fue que debían defender el paso de Thermopylæ porque parecía ser más estrecho que el de Tesalia, y al mismo tiempo más cerca de sus propios territorios por el camino por el que los griegos que fueron llevados en Thermopylæ se sorprendieron después, no sabían nada hasta que, a su llegada a las Termópilas, los traquinos les informaron de ello. En consecuencia, resolvieron proteger este paso y no permitir que el bárbaro entrara en Grecia y que la fuerza naval navegara hacia Artemisio, en el territorio de Histiæotis, porque estos lugares están cerca unos de otros, para que pudieran escuchar lo que les sucedió. . Así se sitúan estos puntos.

En primer lugar, Artemisium se contrae desde un amplio espacio del mar tracio en un estrecho frith, que se encuentra entre la isla de Sciathus y el continente de Magnesia. Desde el estrecho frith comienza la costa de Eubea, llamada Artemisium, y en ella hay un templo de Diana. Pero la entrada a Grecia a través de Trachis, en la parte más estrecha, no tiene más de medio _plethrum_ de ancho: sin embargo, la parte más estrecha del país no está en este lugar, sino antes y detrás de Thermopylæ para cerca de Alpeni, que está detrás, sólo hay un camino para carruajes y antes, junto al río Fénix, cerca de la ciudad de Anthela, hay otro camino para carruajes. En el lado occidental de Thermopylæ hay una montaña inaccesible y escarpada, que se extiende hasta el monte Oeta, y en el lado oriental del camino está el mar y un pantano. En este pasaje hay baños calientes, que los habitantes llaman & # 8220Chytri, & # 8221 y encima de estos hay un altar a Hércules. Se había construido un muro en este paso, y anteriormente había puertas en él. Los focios lo construyeron por miedo, cuando los tesalios vinieron de Tesprótida para asentarse en el territorio eólico que ahora poseen: temiendo que los tesalios intentaran someterlos, los focios tomaron esta precaución al mismo tiempo, desviaron el agua caliente hacia la entrada, para que el lugar se rompiera en hendiduras, recurriendo a todos los artificios para evitar que los tesalios hicieran incursiones en su país. Ahora bien, esta vieja muralla había sido construida durante mucho tiempo, y la mayor parte de ella ya había caído por el paso del tiempo, pero decidieron reconstruirla y en ese lugar repeler al bárbaro de Grecia. Muy cerca de esta carretera hay un pueblo llamado Alpeni, de donde los griegos esperaban obtener provisiones.

En consecuencia, estas situaciones parecían convenientes para los griegos, pues ellos, después de sopesar todo de antemano y considerar que los bárbaros no podrían utilizar su número ni su caballería, resolvieron esperar al invasor de Grecia. Tan pronto como se les informó que el persa estaba en Pieria, separándose del istmo, algunos procedieron por tierra a las Termópilas y otros por mar a Artemisio.

Los griegos, por tanto, designados en dos divisiones, se apresuraron a enfrentarse al enemigo, pero, al mismo tiempo, los delfos, alarmados por ellos mismos y por Grecia, consultaron el oráculo, y la respuesta que se les dio fue: & # 8220 que debían orar. a los vientos, por eso serían poderosos aliados de Grecia. & # 8221

Los delfos, habiendo recibido el oráculo, comunicaron en primer lugar la respuesta a los griegos que estaban celosos de ser libres y que temían mucho a los bárbaros, al dar ese mensaje adquirieron un derecho a la eterna gratitud. Después de eso, los Delphianos erigieron un altar a los vientos en Thyia, donde hay un recinto consagrado a Thyia, hija de Cephisus, de quien este distrito deriva su nombre, y los conciliaron con sacrificios y los Delphians, en obediencia a ese oráculo, hasta el día de hoy propicia los vientos.

La fuerza naval de Jerjes, partiendo de la ciudad de Therma, avanzó con diez de los veleros más rápidos directamente a Escita, donde había tres barcos griegos vigilando: un troezeniano, un Æginetano y un ateniense. Estos, viendo las naves de los bárbaros a distancia, se pusieron en fuga.

El barco troezeniano, que mandaba Praxinus, los bárbaros lo persiguieron y pronto lo capturaron y luego, habiendo conducido al más guapo de los marines a la proa del barco, lo mataron, considerando un buen presagio que el primer griego que habían capturado también era muy bueno. guapo. El nombre del hombre que fue asesinado fue León, y tal vez en alguna medida cosechó los frutos de su nombre.

El barco Æginetan, que comandaba Asonides, les dio algunos problemas a Pytheas, hijo de Ischenous, siendo un infante de marina a bordo, un hombre que en este día demostró el valor más consumado que, cuando el barco fue tomado, continuó luchando hasta que quedó completamente cortado. en pedazos. Pero cuando, habiendo caído (no estaba muerto, pero aún respiraba), los persas que servían a bordo de los barcos estaban muy ansiosos por salvarlo con vida, a causa de su valor, curando sus heridas con mirra y vendarlas con vendas de paño de lino y cuando regresaron a su propio campamento, lo mostraron con admiración a todo el ejército, y lo trataron bien pero a los demás, a quienes llevaron en este barco, lo trataron como esclavos.

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Algunas selecciones de History Moments publicadas antes de 2012 deben actualizarse para cumplir con los estándares de calidad de HM. Estos se relacionan con: (1) enlaces a fuentes externas para información adicional moderna (2) gráficos (3) enlaces de navegación y (4) otros problemas de presentación. El lector tiene la seguridad de que el material del autor se reproduce fielmente en todas las publicaciones de History Moments.


Compostaje en el Antiguo Egipto, Grecia y Roma

La práctica de la fertilización continuó a través de múltiples civilizaciones.

Los romanos, griegos y egipcios fertilizaban los campos de varias formas.

Esparcían estiércol directamente en los campos, recolectaban y compostaban los desechos en las colinas de estiércol y usaban estiércol y paja empapada en orina.

Ciertamente, Cleopatra parece haberse interesado en la fertilidad de la tierra, si no en el abono.

Como señalamos en nuestro artículo Fascinating Compost Facts, la reina egipcia promulgó leyes para proteger a las lombrices de tierra y prohibió la exportación de lombrices bajo pena de muerte.

El guerrero, filósofo y escritor griego Jenofonte también habló sobre el uso del estiércol en su Oeconomicus. Aconsejó a los agricultores que recogieran las malas hierbas y las dejaran pudrirse en el agua para crear un abono que "alegrara los campos".

También amplió los beneficios del abono verde, sugiriendo que los agricultores cultiven un cultivo para arar el campo y enriquecer el suelo.

Catón el Viejo, senador, historiador y soldado romano, tenía mucho que decir sobre el estiércol en su De Agricultura. Uno de sus muchos pasajes sobre la fertilidad aconsejaba a los agricultores:

Asegúrese de tener un estercolero grande, guarde el estiércol con cuidado y, cuando lo saque, límpielo de materias extrañas y rómpalo. El otoño es el momento de sacarlo. Durante el otoño también cavar zanjas alrededor de los olivos y abonarlos.

En una nota más sombría, los antiguos también se estaban dando cuenta de cómo la sangre, la carne y los huesos que quedaban de las guerras beneficiaban a las plantas.

Dicen que el suelo, después de que los cuerpos se pudrieron y cayeron las lluvias del invierno, estaba tan abonado y saturado con la materia putrefacta que se hundió en él, que produjo una cosecha insólita la siguiente temporada.


Contenido

El profesor de lingüística R. S. P. Beekes ha sugerido un origen pre-griego y una conexión con la raíz de la palabra Sophos (σοφός, "sabio"). [3] El mitógrafo alemán Otto Gruppe pensó que el nombre derivaba de sisys (σίσυς, "piel de cabra"), en referencia a un amuleto de lluvia en el que se usaban pieles de cabra. [4]

Sísifo era hijo del rey Eolo de Tesalia y Enarete [5] y hermano de Salmono. Se casó con la Pléyade Merope por quien se convirtió en el padre de Glaucus, Ornytion, Thersander, Almus, Sinon y Porphyrion. [6] Sísifo fue el abuelo de Belerofonte a través de Glaucus, [7] [8] y Minyas, fundador de Orcómeno, a través de Almus. [6]

Reinado Editar

Sísifo fue el fundador y primer rey de Ephyra (supuestamente el nombre original de Corinto). [7] El rey Sísifo promovió la navegación y el comercio, pero era avaro y engañoso. Mató a invitados y viajeros en su palacio, una violación de xenia, que cayó bajo el dominio de Zeus, lo que enfureció al dios. Disfrutaba de estos asesinatos porque le permitían mantener su dominio de mano de hierro.

Conflicto con Salmoneus Editar

Se sabía que Sísifo y su hermano Salmoneo se odiaban, y Sísifo consultó al oráculo de Delfos sobre cómo matar a Salmoneo sin incurrir en consecuencias graves para él. Desde Homero en adelante, Sísifo fue famoso por ser el más astuto de los hombres. Sedujo a la hija de Salmoneus, Tyro, en uno de sus complots para matar a Salmoneus, solo para que Tyro matara a los niños que le había dado cuando descubrió que Sísifo planeaba usarlos eventualmente para destronar a su padre.

Engañando a la muerte Editar

Sísifo traicionó uno de los secretos de Zeus al revelar el paradero de Aegina asópida a su padre, el dios del río Asopo, a cambio de hacer que un manantial fluyera en la acrópolis de Corinto. [7]

Zeus luego ordenó a Thanatos que encadenara a Sísifo en el Tártaro. Sísifo tenía curiosidad por saber por qué Caronte, cuyo trabajo era guiar las almas al inframundo, no había aparecido en esta ocasión. Sísifo le pidió astutamente a Thanatos que le demostrara cómo funcionaban las cadenas. Mientras Thanatos le estaba concediendo su deseo, Sísifo aprovechó la oportunidad y atrapó a Thanatos en las cadenas. Una vez que Thanatos estuvo atado por las fuertes cadenas, nadie murió en la Tierra. Esto provocó un alboroto y Ares, molesto porque sus batallas habían perdido la diversión porque sus oponentes no iban a morir, intervino. El exasperado Ares liberó a Thanatos y le entregó a Sísifo. [9]

En algunas versiones, Hades fue enviado a encadenar a Sísifo y él mismo fue encadenado. Mientras Hades estuviera atado, nadie podía morir. Debido a esto, no se podían hacer sacrificios a los dioses, y los ancianos y enfermos estaban sufriendo. Los dioses finalmente amenazaron con hacer la vida tan miserable para Sísifo que desearía estar muerto. Entonces no tuvo más remedio que liberar a Hades. [10]

Antes de que Sísifo muriera, le había dicho a su esposa que arrojara su cuerpo desnudo en medio de la plaza pública (supuestamente como una prueba del amor de su esposa por él). Esto hizo que Sísifo terminara en las orillas del río Estigia. Luego, quejándose con Perséfone, diosa del inframundo, que esto era una señal de la falta de respeto de su esposa por él, Sísifo la persuadió para que le permitiera regresar al mundo superior. Una vez de regreso en Ephyra, el espíritu de Sísifo regañó a su esposa por no enterrar su cuerpo y darle un funeral apropiado como debería hacerlo una esposa amorosa. Cuando Sísifo se negó a regresar al inframundo, Hermes lo arrastró a la fuerza allí. [11] [12] En otra versión del mito, Perséfone fue engañada por Sísifo diciéndole que había sido conducido al Tártaro por error, por lo que ordenó que lo liberaran. [13]

En Filoctetes por Sófocles, hay una referencia al padre de Odiseo (se rumorea que fue Sísifo, y no Laërtes, a quien conocemos como el padre en el Odisea) al regresar de entre los muertos. Eurípides, en Cíclope, también identifica a Sísifo como el padre de Ulises.

Castigo en el inframundo Editar

Como castigo por su engaño, Hades hizo que Sísifo rodara interminablemente una enorme roca por una colina empinada. [7] [14] [15] La naturaleza enloquecedora del castigo estaba reservada para Sísifo debido a su creencia arrogante de que su inteligencia superaba a la del mismo Zeus. En consecuencia, Hades mostró su propia inteligencia al encantar la roca para que rodara lejos de Sísifo antes de llegar a la cima, lo que terminó por enviar a Sísifo a una eternidad de esfuerzos inútiles y frustración interminable. Así sucedió que las actividades inútiles o interminables a veces se describen como Sísifo. Sísifo era un tema común para los escritores antiguos y fue representado por el pintor Polygnotus en las paredes de Lesche en Delfos. [dieciséis]

Según la teoría solar, el rey Sísifo es el disco del sol que sale todos los días por el este y luego se hunde hacia el oeste. [17] Otros eruditos lo consideran una personificación de las olas que suben y bajan, o del mar traicionero. [17] El filósofo epicúreo del siglo I a. C. Lucrecio interpreta el mito de Sísifo como la personificación de los políticos que aspiran a un cargo político que son constantemente derrotados, con la búsqueda del poder, en sí misma una "cosa vacía", comparándose con rodar la roca Cerro. [18] Friedrich Welcker sugirió que simboliza la vana lucha del hombre en la búsqueda del conocimiento, y Salomon Reinach [19] que su castigo se basa en una imagen en la que se representaba a Sísifo haciendo rodar una enorme piedra Acrocorinto, símbolo del trabajo y habilidad involucrada en la construcción del Sisypheum. Albert Camus, en su ensayo de 1942 El mito de Sísifo, vio a Sísifo como personificación del absurdo de la vida humana, pero Camus concluye que "hay que imaginarse a Sísifo feliz" como "La lucha misma hacia las alturas es suficiente para llenar el corazón de un hombre". Más recientemente, J. Nigro Sansonese, [20] basándose en el trabajo de Georges Dumézil, especula que el origen del nombre "Sísifo" es onomatopéyico del continuo sonido susurrante de ida y vuelta ("siss phuss") hecho por la respiración en los conductos nasales, situando la mitología de Sísifo en un contexto mucho más amplio de técnicas arcaicas (ver religión protoindoeuropea) que inducen al trance relacionadas con el control de la respiración. El ciclo repetitivo de inhalación-exhalación se describe esotéricamente en el mito como un movimiento de arriba hacia abajo de Sísifo y su roca en una colina.

En los experimentos que prueban cómo responden los trabajadores cuando se reduce el significado de su tarea, la condición de prueba se conoce como condición sisifusiana. Las dos conclusiones principales del experimento son que las personas trabajan más duro cuando su trabajo parece más significativo y que las personas subestiman la relación entre significado y motivación. [21]

En su libro La filosofía del pensamiento recursivo[22] El autor alemán Manfred Kopfer sugirió una solución viable para el castigo de Sísifo. Cada vez que Sísifo llega a la cima de la montaña, rompe una piedra de la montaña y la lleva hasta el punto más bajo. De esta manera, la montaña eventualmente se nivelará y la piedra ya no podrá rodar hacia abajo. En la interpretación de Kopfers, la solución convierte el castigo de los dioses en una prueba para que Sísifo demuestre su valía por hechos divinos. Si Sísifo es capaz de "mover una montaña", se le permitirá hacer lo que, de lo contrario, sólo los dioses tienen derecho a hacer.

Interpretaciones literarias Editar

Homero describe a Sísifo en el Libro VI de la Ilíada y Libro XI de la Odisea. [8] [15]

Ovidio, el poeta romano, hace referencia a Sísifo en la historia de Orfeo y Eurídice. Cuando Orfeo desciende y se enfrenta a Hades y Perséfone, canta una canción para que le concedan su deseo de resucitar a Eurídice de entre los muertos. Luego de cantar esta canción, Ovidio muestra lo conmovedor que fue al notar que Sísifo, emocionalmente afectado, por un momento, detiene su eterna tarea y se sienta en su roca, siendo la redacción latina inque tuo sedisti, Sisyphe, saxo ("y te sentaste, Sísifo, en tu roca"). [23]

En Platón Disculpa, Sócrates espera con ansias la otra vida, donde podrá encontrar figuras como Sísifo, que se creen sabios, para poder interrogarlos y encontrar quién es sabio y quién "piensa que es cuando no lo es" [24].

Albert Camus, el absurdo francés, escribió un ensayo titulado El mito de Sísifo, en el que eleva a Sísifo a la categoría de héroe absurdo. Franz Kafka se refirió repetidamente a Sísifo como un soltero kafkiano para él, eran esas cualidades las que sacaban a relucir las cualidades de Sísifo en sí mismo. Según Frederick Karl: "El hombre que luchó por alcanzar las alturas sólo para ser arrojado a las profundidades encarnó todas las aspiraciones de Kafka y permaneció él mismo, solo, solitario". [25] El filósofo Richard Taylor usa el mito de Sísifo como una representación de una vida sin sentido porque consiste en una mera repetición. [26]

Wolfgang Mieder ha recopilado dibujos animados que se basan en la imagen de Sísifo, muchos de ellos dibujos animados editoriales. [27]


Batalla del río Cephisus, c.352 a. C. - Historia

Historia de Atenas
Lugar de nacimiento de la democracia


Atenas fue construida en las llanuras de Attika entre las montañas Parnitha, Penteli e Hymettos y cerca del Golfo Sarónico. Durante siglos, su importante ubicación geográfica y su clima templado fueron las principales razones por las que la gente eligió vivir aquí. Durante su dilatada historia, Atenas produjo una civilización brillante, así como una contribución de inestimable valor al patrimonio mundial.

Hoy Atenas, con sus cinco millones de habitantes, tiene todas las características de una metrópolis moderna pero ha mantenido su atmósfera antigua muy singular, una atmósfera que se refleja en los atenienses y su forma de vida. Atenas sigue los cambios del siglo XXI y ha acelerado su ritmo, pero siempre se ha asegurado de que se conserven los recuerdos de su valioso pasado.

Los que visitan Atenas por primera vez se debaten entre los restos del mundo antiguo y los del nuevo mundo, entre los dioses y las tiendas de Plaka, entre el arte antiguo y las terrazas cubiertas de verde. Los visitantes que regresan disfrutan de ambos mundos, al igual que los propios atenienses. Atenas tiene mucho que ofrecer y mucho más para disfrutar.


La cuna del concepto de democracia

Es difícil imaginar que el concepto de democracia nació hace 2.500 años al pie de la Acrópolis de Atenas. Este primer tipo de democracia se ha convertido en la democracia actual como la conocemos ahora. Es aún más difícil imaginar que el ágora antiguo en ese momento tenía un parlamento, un ayuntamiento, un palacio de justicia, una prisión, templos, restaurantes, salas de reuniones, escuelas, lugares para hacer negocios, leyes, festivales, eventos deportivos, etc.

Tómese su tiempo para visitar el Ágora Antiguo, para caminar por la carretera Panatenaica bordeada de estatuas. Visite la Stoa de Attallos completamente renovada y su museo. Tiene una colección notable que querrás ver. Encuentra el altar de Zeus Phratrios y la estatua de Adriano y, mientras lo haces, recuerda que estás en el lugar de nacimiento del concepto de democracia.

Al pie de la Acrópolis. Entrada: calle Adrianou.


Caminando con la historia

Diga "Atenas" y la gente dirá "La Acrópolis".

Sí, por supuesto, no debes irte de Atenas sin haber visitado la Acrópolis con su espléndido Partenón, Erechteion, Templo de Atenea, etc. Sin embargo, Atenas tiene mucho más que ofrecer. El Ágora Antiguo y Romano, Plaka, el área romántica de Anafiotika, el Estadio Panatenaico, Lykavittos y la colina Philopappou, las decenas de museos, Psirri, Syntagma, Monastiraki, etc. Hay mucho que ver en Atenas y vale la pena verlo. .

Con cada esquina que des, Atenas te sorprenderá con su historia y su atmósfera especial. Atenas es una sonrisa para que la disfrutes.

La historia de Atenas es la más larga de todas las ciudades de Europa: Atenas ha estado habitada continuamente durante al menos 3.000 años. Se convirtió en la ciudad líder de la Antigua Grecia en el primer milenio antes de Cristo. Sus logros culturales durante el siglo V a. C. sentaron las bases de la civilización occidental. Durante la Edad Media, Atenas experimentó un declive y luego una recuperación bajo el Imperio Bizantino. Atenas fue relativamente próspera durante las Cruzadas, beneficiándose del comercio italiano. Después de un largo período de declive bajo el dominio del Imperio Otomano, Atenas resurgió en el siglo XIX como la capital del estado griego independiente.

El nombre de Atenas en griego antiguo era Athenai (pronunciado aproximadamente At-he-na). Esta es una forma plural: la ciudad se llamaba (en lo que se traduciría al inglés como) & quot; The Athenses & quot; ya que originalmente era un grupo de aldeas que se fusionaron en una ciudad. El nombre no tiene una etimología definida en griego. Los griegos creían que la ciudad recibió su nombre de su protectora, la diosa Atenea, pero es igualmente posible que la diosa tomara su nombre de la ciudad.

El inicio de la historia de Atenas se pierde en el tiempo y las leyendas. Se supone que comenzó su historia como un castro neolítico en la cima de la Acrópolis (& quothigh city & quot), en algún momento del tercer milenio antes de Cristo. La Acrópolis es una posición defensiva natural que domina las llanuras circundantes. El asentamiento estaba a unos 8 kilómetros tierra adentro del golfo Sarónico, en el centro de la llanura cefisiana, una llanura fértil rodeada de colinas.

Atenas está protegida por un anillo de montañas: Hymittos, Aegaleo, Penteli y Parnitha. En la antigüedad, el río Cephisus atravesaba la ciudad. La antigua Atenas ocupaba un área muy pequeña en comparación con la metrópolis en expansión de la Atenas moderna. La antigua ciudad amurallada abarcaba un área que medía unos 2 kilómetros de este a oeste y un poco menos que la de norte a sur, aunque en su apogeo la ciudad tenía suburbios que se extendían mucho más allá de estos muros.

La Acrópolis estaba justo al sur del centro de esta área amurallada. El Ágora, el centro comercial y social de la ciudad, estaba a unos 400 metros al norte de la Acrópolis, en lo que hoy es el distrito de Monastiraki. La colina del Pnyx, donde se reunía la Asamblea ateniense, se encontraba en el extremo occidental de la ciudad.

Uno de los sitios religiosos más importantes de Atenas fue el Templo de Atenea, conocido como el Partenón, que se encontraba en lo alto de la Acrópolis. Otros dos sitios religiosos importantes, el Templo de Hefesto (que todavía está en gran parte intacto) y el Templo de Zeus Olímpico u Olympeion (una vez el templo más grande de Grecia pero ahora en ruinas) también se encuentran dentro de las murallas de la ciudad.

Sin embargo, el sitio religioso más importante fue el Erechteion, que lleva el nombre de un legendario rey ateniense. Se consideraba el más importante desde el punto de vista religioso, ya que albergaba muchos santuarios sagrados. Junto a él está el legendario olivo que se plantó Atenea para ganarse la devoción del pueblo ateniense.

En su apogeo en los siglos V y IV a.C., Atenas y sus suburbios probablemente tenían aproximadamente 300.000 habitantes. De estos, un gran número eran esclavos o residentes extranjeros (conocidos como metoikoi o métricas), que no tenían derechos políticos y pagaban por el derecho a residir en Atenas. Quizás sólo el 10 o el 20% de la población eran ciudadanos varones adultos, elegibles para reunirse y votar en la Asamblea y ser elegidos para un cargo. Después de las conquistas de Alejandro Magno en el siglo IV a. C., la ciudad comenzó a perder su población cuando los griegos emigraron al imperio helenístico recién conquistado en el este.

Lea más sobre la larga e interesante historia de Atenas a través de los siglos usando los enlaces de la izquierda en esta página.


Libro 2

río Cephisus, y que sostuvo Lilaea por los manantiales de Cephisus. Con estos siguieron cuarenta barcos negros. Y sus líderes estaban ocupados estacionando las filas de los focios y los estaban preparando para la batalla cerca de los beocios de la izquierda.

Y de los locrianos, el veloz hijo de Oïleus era el líder, Aias el menor, de ninguna manera tan grande como Telamón Aias, pero mucho menor. Bajito era, con corsé de lino, pero con la lanza superó a Panhellenes y Achaeans. Estos eran los que habitaban en Cynus y Opoeis y Calliarus y Bessa y Scarphe y la encantadora Augeiae y Tarphe y Thronium alrededor de los arroyos de Boagrius. Con Aias siguieron cuarenta barcos negros de los locrianos que viven frente a la santa Eubea.

Y los Abantes, que respiraban furia, que tenían Eubea, Calcis, Eretria e Histiaea, ricas en enredaderas, y Cerinto junto al mar, y la empinada ciudadela de Dion y los que tenían Carystus y habitaban en Estira, de éstos a su vez Elephenor era el leader, offshoot of Ares, son of Chalcodon and leader of the great-hearted Abantes. And with him followed the swift Abantes, with hair long at the back, spearmen eager with outstretched ashen spears to tear the corselets about the chests of the foe. And with him there followed forty black ships.

And they who held Athens, the well-built citadel, the land of great-hearted Erechtheus, whom Athene, daughter of Zeus, once nurtured, but the earth, the giver of grain, bore him and she settled him in Athens, in her own


Thessalonike of Macedon

Thessalonike (Greek: Θεσσαλονίκη 352 or 345-295 BC) was a Macedonian princess, the daughter of king Philip II of Macedon by his Thessalian wife or concubine, Nicesipolis, from Pherae. History links her to three of the most powerful men in Macedon�ughter of King Philip II, half sister of Alexander the Great and wife of Cassander.

Thessalonike was born around 352 or 345 BC. To commemorate the birth of his daughter, which fell on the same day as the armies of Macedon and Thessalian league won the significant battle of Crocus Field in Thessaly over the Phocians, King Philip is said to have proclaimed, "Let her be called victory in Thessaly". In the Greek language her name is made up of two words Thessaly and nike, that translates into 'Thessalian Victory'. Her mother did not live long after her birth and upon her death Thessalonike appears to have been brought up by her stepmother Olympias. In memory of her close friend, Nicesipolis, the queen took Thessalonike to be raised as her own daughter. Thessalonike was, by far, the youngest child in the care of Olympias. Her interaction with her older brother Alexander would have been minimal, as he was under the tutelage of Aristotle in "The Gardens Of Midas" when she was born, and at the age of six or seven when he left on his Persian expedition. She was only twenty-one when Alexander, king of the then most known world, died.

Thus favored, she spent her childhood in the queen’s quarters, to whose fortunes she attached herself when the latter returned to Macedon in 317 BC, and with whom she took refuge, along with the rest of the royal family, in the fortress of Pydna, on the advance of Cassander in 315 BC. The fall of Pydna and the execution of her stepmother threw her into the power of Cassander, who embraced the opportunity to connect himself with the Argead dynasty by marrying her and he appears to have studiously treated her with the respect due to her illustrious birth. This may have been as much owing to policy as to affection: but the marriage appears to have been a prosperous one Thessalonike became queen of Macedon and the mother of three sons, Philip, Antipater, and Alexander and her husband paid her the honour of conferring her name upon the city of Thessaloniki, which he founded on the site of the ancient Therma, and which soon became, as it continues down to the present day, one of the most wealthy and populous cities of Macedonia. After the death of Cassander, Thessalonike appears to have at first retained much influence over her sons. Her son Philip succeeded his father, but while Antipater was the next in line for the throne, Thessalonike demanded that it be shared between Philip and Alexander. Antipater, becoming jealous of the superior favour which his mother showed to his younger brother Alexander, put his mother to death, in 295 BC.

The legend of Thessalonike

There exists a popular Greek legend which talks about a mermaid who lived in the Aegean for hundreds of years who was thought to be Thessalonike. The legend states that Alexander, in his quest for the Fountain of Immortality, retrieved with great exertion a flask of immortal water with which he bathed his sister's hair. When Alexander died his grief-stricken sister attempted to end her life by jumping into the sea. Instead of drowning, however, she became a mermaid passing judgment on mariners throughout the centuries and across the seven seas. To the sailors who encountered her she would always pose the same question: "Is Alexander the king alive?" (Greek: Ζει ο βασιλιάς Αλέξανδρος), to which the correct answer would be "He lives and reigns and conquers the world" (Greek: Ζει και βασιλεύει, και τον κόσμο κυριεύει!). Given this answer she would allow the ship and her crew to sail safely away in calm seas. Any other answer would transform her into the raging Gorgon, bent on sending the ship and every sailor on board to the bottom.


THIRD SACRED WAR


Sources and Chronology:
The ancient sources for the Third Sacred War are scant, and generally lacking in firm chronological information.The main source for the period is Diodorus Siculus's Bibliotheca historica, written in the 1st century , which is therefore very much a secondary source. Diodorus is often derided by modern historians for his style and inaccuracies, but he preserves many details of the ancient period found nowhere else. Diodorus worked primarily by epitomizing the works of other historians, omitting many details where they did not suit his purpose, which was to illustrate moral lessons from history his account of the Third Sacred War therefore contains many gaps. Beyond Diodorus, further details of the Sacred War can be found in the orations of Athenian statesmen, primarily Demosthenes and Aeschines, which have survived intact. Since these speeches were never intended to be historical material, they must be treated with circumspection Demosthenes and Aeschines have been described as "a couple of liars, neither of whom can be trusted to have told the truth in any matter in which it was remotely in his interest to lie". Nevertheless, their allusions in speeches to contemporary or past events indicate some of the gaps in Diodorus's account, and help with the arrangement of a chronology. The accounts of Diodorus, Demosthenes and Aeschines can be further supplemented by fragments of otherwise lost histories (such as that by Theopompus) and by contemporary epigraphic sources.
Modern historians' dates for the war have been hotly debated, with no clear consensus. It is generally accepted that the war lasted 10 years, and ended in summer 346 (one of the few firm dates), which yields a date of 356 for the beginning of the war, with Philomelos's seizure of Delphi. Diodorus's chronology for the sacred war is very confused—he dates the start and end of the war a year too late, variously says the war lasted 9, 10 or 11 years, and included the siege of Methone twice under different dates—and his dates cannot therefore be relied upon. After Philomelos's defeat at Neon, the Thebans thought it safe to send the general Pammenes to Asia with 5000 hoplites Pammenes probably met with Philip at Maroneia in 355 , presumably on his outward journey.[9] Buckler, the only historian to produce a systematic study of the sacred war, therefore places Neon in 355 , and suggests after the meeting with Pammenes, Philip went to begin the siege of Methone. Other historians have placed Neon in 354 , because Diodorus says that the battle took place while Philip besieged Methone which Diodorus (at one point) places in 354. Disregarding the dates, most historians agree upon the same sequence of events for the first phases of the Sacred War. The principal question is therefore when that sequence started. Thus, Buckler (as well as Beloch and Cloche) dates Neon to 355 , Methone to 355𤭒 , Philip's first Thessalian campaign to 354, and his second to 353. Conversely, Cawkwell, Sealey, Hammond and others lower all these dates by one year, beginning with Neon in 354.


Fondo:
Main articles: Delphi and Amphictyonic League

The war was ostensibly caused by the refusal of the Phocian Confederation to pay a fine imposed on them in 357 by the Amphictyonic League, a pan-Hellenic religious organisation which governed the most sacred site in Ancient Greece, the Temple of Apollo at Delphi. The fine was occasioned by the Phocians's illegal cultivation of sacred land on the Kirrhaean plain, which they did not deny the fine was, however, far beyond the Phocians' ability to pay. Under normal circumstances, refusal to pay the fine would have made the Phocians religious (and therefore political) outcasts in Greece, and liable to have a sacred war declared against them. Behind the religious element, there probably lay a display of realpolitik in bringing charges against the Phocians, instigated by the Thebans. The Phocians had declined to send troops on the Mantinea campaign of 362, despite Theban requests, and this appears to have caused lasting enmity in Thebes.] By 357 , with the Athenians embroiled in the Social War, and Alexander of Pherae (an erstwhile ally of the Phocians) dead, the Thebans deemed that the chance to punish Phocis had come. The Amphictyonic League was composed of 12 Greek tribes, primarily of central Greece (the Oetaeans, Boeotians, Dolopes, Phthian Achaeans, Locrians, Magnesians, Malians, Perrhaebians, Phocians, Pythians of Delphi and Thessalians), plus the Dorians (including Sparta) and the Ionians (including Athens), with each tribe having two votes in the council of the league. Thebes had effectively become the 'protector' of the league in 360, after the civil war had restarted in Thessaly the Thessalians having previously been the dominant power in the league. Thus, at this time, Thebes controlled a majority of the votes in the council, and at the autumn meeting in 357, the Thebans were able to have both the Phocians (for the cultivation of the sacred land) and the Spartans (for occupying Thebes some 25 years previously) denounced and fined. Since the fines for both parties were "unjustifiably harsh", the Thebans probably expected neither party to pay, and thus to be able to declare a sacred war on either. There seems to have been some sympathy in Greece for the Phocians, since other states could see that "the Thebans. had used the Amphictyony to pursue petty and destructive vendettas". The Phocians held a special conference to decide what action to take. Philomelos, a citizen of Ledon, advocated a pre-emptive policy of seizing Delphi (which was situated within the boundaries of Phocis), and asserting the ancient claim of Phocis to the presidency of the Amphictyonic League. In this way, the Phocians could annul the judgment against themselves. The Phocians voted in favour of his proposal, and Philomelos was appointed strategos autokrator (general with independent powers) by the confederacy, with his chief supporter Onomarchos also elected as strategos. Philomelos travelled to Sparta to discuss his proposals with the Spartan king Archidamos III. Archidamos expressed his support, hoping that the Spartan fine would also be annulled, and gave Philomelos 15 talents to raise troops with.

On his return to Phocis, Philomelos began assembling a mercenary army using the 15 talents from Archidamos, and also raised a force of 1000 peltasts from amongst the Phocian citizenry. In 356, Philomelos marched on Delphi, just before the end of the period in which the Phocians had been required to pay their fine. He easily captured the city of Delphi, along with the sanctuary of Apollo. Philomelos captured the nobles of the Thrakidai family, who had probably been involved in imposing the fine on Phocis, and killed them, seizing their wealth to add to his treasury. He promised the other Delphians that he would not harm them, although he had initially contemplated enslaving the whole city.

Ozolian Locrian expedition to Delphi:
The news of Philomelos's move against Delphi resulted in a relief expedition being mounted by the Ozalian Locrians, probably mainly from Amphissa. Philomelos's army met the Locrians in open battle on a small plain between the city of Delphi and the sanctuary, and routed them with heavy losses. Some prisoners were taken, and Philomelos had them thrown from the cliffs that tower over the sanctuary (the Phaidriadai rocks). This was the traditional punishment for sacrilege against Apollo's temple, and through the means of this atrocity, Philomelos was asserting the Phocian claim to the presidency of the sanctuary. Buckler observes that "in his first acts, Philomelos set a brutal stamp on the war".


Fortification of Delphi:
After defeating the Locrians, Philomelos continued to strengthen his position in Delphi. He destroyed the stones which recorded the verdict against the Phocians, and abolished the government of the city, installing in its place a group of pro-Phocian Delphians, who had been in exile in Athens. Philomelos ordered the sanctuary be fortified on the western side (natural features defended the other approaches), and a large limestone wall was constructed. He then demanded that the priestess of Apollo (the Pythia) provide him with an oracle she replied that he "could do whatever he wanted". Philomelos called that an oracle, and had it inscribed in the sanctuary, as was customary. This pseudo-oracle provided Philomelos with supposed divine justification from Apollo for his actions. He next sent embassies to all Greek states, asserting the Phocian claim to Delphi, and promising not to touch the treasury of Apollo. The Spartans, as expected, endorsed Philomelos's actions, since their fine was now erased. The Athenians also expressed support, following their general anti-Theban policies.


Declaration of Sacred War:
However, Philomelos's embassies elsewhere met with failure. The Locrians demanded that the Amphictyons avenge them and Apollo, and the Thebans sent embassies to the other council members suggesting that a sacred war should be declared against Phocis. This was assented to by most Greek states, including the Amphictyonic council members (minus Sparta and Athens), and those well-disposed to Thebes furthermore, otherwise uninvolved states declared support for the Amphictyonic for reasons of piety.The Amphictyons seem to have decided that the year was too advanced to begin campaigning, and so agreed to launch military action the following year. They may have hoped that in the meantime, the Phocians‘ sacrilegious behaviour would cause them to reconsider their position.

Following the declaration of war against Phocis, Philomelos decided he would need to substantially increase the size of his army. Rather than levy the Phocian citizen body, Philomelos decided to hire more mercenaries the only way he could afford to do this was by plundering the dedications in the treasury of Apollo. That the treasury contained much wealth, from years of accumulated donations, is well-established it is estimated that the Phocians spent some 10,000 talents of Apollo's treasure during the war. In order to overcome the reluctance of mercenaries to fight for a sacrilegious cause, Philomelos increased the rate of pay by half, which allowed him to recruit a force of 10,000 troops over the winter, for the forthcoming war.


Conflict in Epicnemidian Locris and Phocis (c. 355 :
The following spring, possibly upon hearing news that the Boeotians were ready to march against Phocis, Philomelos took the initiative and marched into Epicnemidian Locris. Since the Phocian army would be outnumbered by the whole Amphictyonic levy, it is probable that he sought to defeat his enemies one by one, starting with the Locrians. If he could defeat the Locrians, then he was in a position to occupy the narrow pass of Thermopylae and block the union of the Thessalian and Boeotian armies, the main Amphictyonic contingents. Philomelos's army thus crossed into Locris, probably using the Fontana pass from Triteis to Naryx, or possibly the Kleisoura pass from Tithronion to the same general area of Locris. The Locrians sent a force of cavalry to oppose him, which the Phocians easily defeated. However, this battle gave the Thessalians time to pass through Thermopylae and arrive in Locris. Philomelos immediately attacked the Thessalians, and defeated them near the town of Argolas, whose location is not definitively known. Philomelos then laid siege to Argolas, but failed to capture it, and instead pillaged as much Locrian territory as possible. The Boeotian army, under the command of Pammenes, then arrived on the scene, and rather than oppose them, Philomelos backed off, allowing the Boeotians to link up with the Locrians and Thessalians. Philomelos had thus failed in his strategy of dealing with the Amphictyons separately, and he now faced an army at least equal in size to his own. He therefore decided to retreat before the Amphictyons could bring him to battle, and probably using the Kleisoura pass, he returned with his army to Phocis.


Battle of Neon:
In response to Philomelos's retreat, Pammenes ordered the Amphictyonic force to cross into Phocis as well, probably by the Fontana pass, in order to prevent Philomelos marching on Boeotia. The two armies converged on Tithorea (whose acropolis, Neon, gives the battle its name), where the Amphictyons brought the Phocians to battle. Details of the battle are scant, but the Amphictyons defeated the Phocians, and then pursued the survivors up the slopes of Mount Parnassos, slaying many. Philomelos was injured, and rather than risk capture, threw himself off the mountain, falling to his death. Onomarchos, who was second in command, managed to salvage the remainder of the army, and retreated to Delphi, and Pammenes retired to Thebes with the Boeotian army.


Second phase (c. 354𤭑):
The Amphictyons seem to have concluded that their victory at Neon had effectively ended the war, and the Phocians would sue for peace. Otherwise, it is difficult to understand why Pammenes did not march on Delphi, or even sack the undefended Phocian cities in the Kephisos valley. In failing to follow up their victory, the Amphictyons wasted the best opportunity they had during the course of the war to end it. The Thebans seem to have been so sure that the war was ended that they agreed to send 5,000 hoplites under Pammenes to help the rebellion of the Persian satrap Artabazus, shortly after the Battle of Neon. The Thebans needed the money Artabazos offered them, and although they had generally been on good terms with the Persian king, they obviously felt the offer was too good to refuse. It is likely the troops were dispatched before the Phocian decision to fight on became clear, unless the Thebans thought that their remaining troops were a match for any army the Phocians could field. This was to prove a serious mistake for the Thebans, and the Amphictyonic cause in general. Rather than contemplate surrender after the retreat from Neon, Onomarchos had rallied the Phocians, and insisted that they should continue the war. A meeting of the Phocian Confederation was held to discuss the future course of action, to which their Athenian and Spartan allies were invited. If they surrendered, the Phocians would face additional fines for their sacrilege, and for plundering the treasury however, to fight on meant perpetrating still further sacrilege, and effectively committed the Phocians to winning a total victory against the Amphictyons. Although some were inclined towards peace, the majority were swayed by Onomarchos's orations and policies, quite possibly backed up by the threat of force from the mercenary army, and voted to continue the war. The Phocian mercenary force had significant influence on the decisions made by (or for) the Phocian Confederation during the course of the war, and also the peculiar consequences it had for the Phocians: "The primary loyalty of that army would go to its commander and paymaster, not to the Phocian Confederacy. In effect, continued war forced the Phocians to put their faith in the hands of a man who could act regardless of their wishes but the responsibility for whose acts would be theirs." His position now secure, Onomarchos had his chief opponents arrested and executed, and confiscated their property to add to his war-chest. He then set about raising a new army, doubling the size of Philomelos's force, until he had 20,000 men and 500 cavalry at his disposal. Raising such a large force required extensive depredations of Apollo's wealth bronze and iron dedications were melted down and recast as weapons, whilst gold and silver offerings were melted down and used to make coinage. Although raising such a large army would have taken a considerable time, Onomarchos had the whole winter after Neon in which to do so.

The first Phocian campaign in Epicnemidian Locris and Doris, 354:

Phocian campaign in Doris (c. 354 :)
First Phocian campaign in Boeotia (c. 354 )
First and second Phocian campaigns in Boeotia, 354𤭑

First conflict in Thessaly (c. 354):
The Sacred War appears to have laid way for renewed conflict within Thessaly. The Thessalian Confederation were in general staunch supporters of the Amphictyonic League, and had an ancient hatred of the Phocians. Conversely, the city-state of Pherae had allied itself with the Phocians. In either 354 or 353 the ruling clan of the city of Larissa appealed to Philip II of Macedon to help them defeat Pherae. Thus, Philip brought an army into Thessaly, probably with the intention of attacking Pherae. Under the terms of their alliance, Lycophron of Pherae requested aid from the Phocians, and Onormarchos dispatched his brother, Phayllos with 7,000 men however, Philip repulsed this force before it could join up with the Pheraeans. Onomarchos then abandoned the siege he was currently prosecuting, and brought his whole force into Thessaly to attack Philip. It is possible that Onomarchos hoped to conquer Thessaly in the process, which would both leave the Thebans isolated (Locris and Doris having already fallen to the Phocians), and give the Phocians a majority in the Amphictyonic council, thus enabling them to have the war declared over. Onomarchos probably brought with him 20 000 infantry, 500 cavalry and a large number of catapults, and outnumbered Philip's army. The exact details of the campaign that followed are unclear, but Onomarchos seems to have inflicted two defeats on Philip, with many Macedonians killed in the process. Polyaenus suggests that the first of Onomarchos's victories was aided by the use of the catapults to throw stones into the Macedonian phalanx, as it climbed a slope to attack the Phocians. After these defeats, Philip retreated to Macedon for the winter.[44] He is said to have commented that he “did not run away but, like a ram, I pulled back to butt again harder”.
(Polyaenus -in Book 2 Chapter XXXVIII "suggests' but not specificaly mention catapults, rather that they threw massive stones. His 'strategem' is ambush. The quote from Philip is in that section.)

Second Phocian campaign in Boeotia (c. 353):
In 353 , Onomarchos took advantage of the fact that Thebes, financially exhausted, sent out a troop of 5,000 Theban soldiers as mercenaries to support the revolt of Artabazus, satrap of Hellespontine Phrygia, against the Persian king. He led an attack against Locris and captured Thronion, which constituted a key strategic point on the route network of central mainland Greece. He turned south and invaded Doris and eventually Boeotia, where he was finally controlled by the allied Boeotians close to Chaeronea.

Second conflict in Thessaly (c. 353):
Philip returned to Thessaly the next summer (either 353 or 352 , depending on the chronology followed), having gathered a new army in Macedon. Philip formally requested that the Thessalians join him in the war against the Phocians the Thessalians, even if underwhelmed by Philip's performance the previous year, realistically had little choice if they wanted to avoid being conquered by Onomarchos's army. Philip now mustered all the Thessalian opponents of Pherae that he could, and according to Diodorus, his final army numbered 20,000 infantry and 3,000 cavalry.

Pagasae:
At some point during his campaigns in Thessaly, Philip captured the strategic port of Pagasae, which was in effect the port of Pherae. It is unclear whether this was during the first or second campaign both Buckler and Cawkwell suggest that it took place in the second campaign, before the Battle of Crocus Field. By taking Pagasae, it is possible that Philip prevented Pherae from being reinforced by sea during his second campaign. Buckler suggests that Philip had learnt his lesson from the previous campaign, and intended to cut Pherae off from outside help before attacking it.

Battle of Crocus:
Field Main article: Battle of Crocus Field:
Meanwhile, Onomarchos returned to Thessaly to try to preserve the Phocian ascendancy there, with approximately the same force as during the previous year. Furthermore, the Athenians dispatched Chares to help their Phocian allies, seeing the opportunity to strike a decisive blow against Philip. Subsequent events are unclear, but a battle was fought between the Macedonians and the Phocians, probably as Philip tried to prevent the Phocians uniting forces with the Pheraeans, and crucially, before the Athenians had arrived. According to Diodorus, the two armies met on a large plain near the sea, probably in the vicinity of Pagasae. Philip sent his men into battle wearing crown of laurel, the symbol of the Apollo "as if he was the avenger. of sacrilege, and he proceeded to battle under the leadership, as it were, of the god". In the ensuing battle, the bloodiest recorded in ancient Greek history, Philip won a decisive victory against the Phocians. In total, 6,000 Phocian troops were killed including Onomarchos, and another 3,000 taken prisoner Onomarchos was either hanged or crucified and the other prisoners drowned, as ritual demanded for temple-robbers. These punishments were designed to deny the defeated an honourable burial Philip thus continued to present himself as the pious avenger of the sacrilege committed by the Phocians.

Re-organisation of Thessaly:
It was probably in the aftermath of his victory (if not before) that the Thessalians appointed Philip archon of Thessaly. This was an appointment for life, and gave Philip control over all the revenues of the Thessalian Confederation, and furthermore made Philip leader of the united Thesslian army. Philip was now able to settle Thessaly at his leisure. He first probably finished the siege of Pagasae, to deny the Athenians a landing place in Thessaly. Pagasae was not part of the Thessalian Confederation, and Philip therefore took it as his own, and garrisoned it. The fall of Pagasae now left Pherae totally isolated. Lycophron, rather than suffer the fate of Onomarchos, struck a bargain with Philip, and in return for handing Pherae over to Philip, he was allowed, along with 2000 of his mercenaries, to go to Phocis. Philip now worked to unite the traditionally fractious cities of Thessaly under his rule. He took direct control of several cities in western Thessaly, exiling the dissidents, and in one case refounding the city with a Macedonian population he tightened his control of Perrhaebia, and invaded Magnesia, also taking it as his own and garrisoning it "when finished, he was lord of Thessaly."

Thermopylae:
Once satisfied with his reorganisation of Thessaly, Philip marched south to the pass of Thermopylae, the gateway to central Greece. He probably intended to follow up his victory over the Phocians by invading Phocis itself, a prospect which greatly alarmed the Athenians, since once he was past Thermopylae, he could also march on Athens. The Athenians therefore dispatched a force to Thermopylae and occupied the pass there is some debate as to whether other contingents may have joined the Athenians at Thermopylae. The Athenians were certainly there, since the Athenian orator Demosthenes celebrated the defense of the pass in one of his speeches. Cawkwell suggests that the Athenian force was the one that Diodorus says was dispatched under Nausicles consisting of 5,000 infantry and 400 cavalry, and that they were joined by the remnants of the Phocians and the Pheraean mercenaries. However, Buckler argues that Diodorus never mentions Thermopylae, and the force under Nausicles was sent to help the Phocians the following year instead, he believes that another Athenian force held the pass unassisted. Although it might have proved possible to force the pass, Philip did not attempt to do so, preferring not to risk a defeat after his great successes in Thessaly.

Third phase (c. 352𤭊 ):
Meanwhile, the Phocians regrouped under Onomarchos's brother, Phayllos. After the huge Phocian defeats at Neon and Crocus Field, Phayllos had to resort to doubling the pay for mercenaries, in order to attract enough to replenish his army. Despite their defeats however, the majority of the Phocians were still in favour of continuing the war. Over the winter of that year, Phayllos engaged in diplomatic efforts to gather more support from Phocis's allies, and succeeding in widening the theatre of conflict in the next campaigning season. Uniquely in Greek history, the Phocians were able to absorb huge losses in manpower, thanks to their pillaging of Temple of Apollo, a factor which was to contribute to the war dragging on indecisively until 346.

Third Phocian campaign in Boeotia (352 ):
Third Phocian campaign in Boeotia, 352 :
First conflict in the Peloponnese (352):

Second Phocian campaign in Epicnemidian Locris (351):

Second conflict in the Peloponnese (351):


Phocian campaign in Boeotia (351 ):
Fourth Phocian campaign in Boeotia, and second, third and fourth Boeotian campaigns in Phocis, 351𤭋 :
Second Boeotian campaign in Phocis (349 ):
Fifth Phocian campaign in Boeotia (349 ):
Fifth and sixth Phocian campaigns in Boeotia, 349𤭋 :
Euboea (349𤭌 ):
Third Boeotian campaign in Phocis (348 ):
Sixth Phocian campaign in Boeotia (347 ):

Fourth Boeotian campaign in Phocis (347 ):
Philip had not involved himself in the Sacred War since his victory at the Crocus Field in 352 . In the meantime, it had become clear that the Sacred War could only be ended by outside intervention. The Phocians had occupied several Boeotian cities, but were running out of treasure to pay their mercenaries conversely, the Thebans were unable to act effectively against the Phocians. The Phocian general Phalaikos was removed from his command in 347 , and three new generals appointed, who successfully attacked Boeotia again. The Thebans appealed to Philip for aid, and he sent a small force to their assistance. Philip sent force enough to honour his alliance with Thebes, but not enough to end the war—he desired the glory of ending the war personally, in the manner of his choosing, and on his terms.


Settlement of the Sacred War:
Preliminaries:
Athens and Macedon had been at war since 356 , after Philip's capture of the Athenian colonies of Pydna and Potidea. Philip had then been drawn into the Sacred War, on behalf of the Thessalians, as described above. Since Athens was also a combatant in the Sacred War, the war between Athens and Macedon was inextricably linked with the progress of the Sacred War. In 352 , Philip's erstwhile ally, the Chalkidian League (led by Olynthos), alarmed by Philip's growing power, sought to ally themselves with Athens, in clear breach of their alliance with Philip. In response, Philip attacked Chalkidiki in 349 , and by 348 , had completely destroyed the Chalkidian League, razing Olynthos in the process. The prominent Athenian politician Philocrates had suggested offering Philip peace in 348 , during the Olynthian war. The war between Athens and Philip thus continued through 347 , as did the Sacred War.
In early 346 , Philip let it be known that he intended to march south with the Thessalians, though not where or why. The Phocians thus made plans to defend Thermopylae, and requested assistance from the Spartans and the Athenians, probably around 14 February. The Spartans dispatched Archidamus III with 1,000 hoplites, and the Athenians ordered everyone eligible for military service under the age of 40 to be sent to the Phocians' aid. However, between the Phocians' appeal and the end of the month, all plans were upset by the return of Phalaikos to power in Phocis the Athenians and the Spartans were subsequently told that they would not be permitted to defend Thermopylae. It is not clear from the ancient sources why Phalaikos was returned to power, nor why he adopted this dramatic change of policy. Cawkwell suggests, based on remarks of Aeschines, that the Phocian army restored Phalaikos because they had not been properly paid, and further that Phalaikos, realizing that the army could not be paid and that the Phocians could no longer hope to win the war, decided to try to negotiate a peace settlement with Philip.


Peace between Macedon and Athens:
Main article: Peace of Philocrates:
When the Athenians received this news, they rapidly changed policy. If Thermopylae could no longer be defended, then Athenian security could no longer be guaranteed. By the end of February, the Athenians had dispatched an embassy, including Philocrates, Demosthenes and Aeschines, to Philip to discuss peace between Athens and Macedon. The embassy had two audiences with Philip, in which each side presented their proposals for the terms of the peace settlement. The embassy then returned to Athens to present the proposed terms to the Athenian Assembly, along with a Macedonian embassy to Athens, empowered by Philip to finalize an agreement. On 23 April, the Athenians swore to the terms of the treaty in the presence of the Macedonian ambassadors.

Embassies to Philip:
After agreeing to the peace terms with Macedonian ambassadors in April, the Athenians dispatched a second embassy to Macedon, to extract the peace oaths from Philip this embassy travelled to Pella at a relaxed pace, knowing that Philip was away on campaign against the Thracian king Kersebleptes (Cersobleptes). When they arrived, the Athenians (again including Demosthenes and Aeschines) were rather surprised to find embassies from all the principle combatants in the Sacred War were also present, in order to discuss a settlement to the war. When Philip returned from Thrace he received both the Athenian and other embassies. The Thebans and Thessalians requested that he take the leadership of Greece, and punish Phocis conversely, the Phocians, supported by the Spartans and the Athenian delegations, pleaded with Philip not to attack Phocis. Philip, however, delayed making any decisions "[he] sought by every means not to reveal how he intended to settle things both sides were privately encouraged to hope that he would do as they wanted, but both were bidden not to prepare for war a peacefully arranged concordat was at hand" he also delayed taking the oaths to the Peace of Philocrates. Military preparations were ongoing in Pella during this period, but Philip told the ambassadors that they were for a campaign against Halus, a small Thessalian city which held out against him. He departed for Halus before making any pronouncements, compelling the Athenian embassy to travel with him only when they reached Pherae did Philip finally take the oaths, enabling the Athenian ambassadors to return home.

Occupation of Thermopylae:
It was in the aftermath of finally ratifying the Peace that Philip applied the coup de grace. He had persuaded the Athenians and other Greeks that he and his army was heading for Halus, but it seems certain that he also sent other units straight to Thermopylae. Thus, when he swore oaths to the Athenian assembly in Pherae, his troops were already very close to Thermopylae by the time the Athenian ambassadors arrived home (9 July), Philip was already in possession of the pass. By delaying the oaths, and making what was effectively a feint against Halus, he prevented the Athenians from seeing their imminent danger, and from having time to garrison the Thermopylae.

Peace settlement:
All of central and southern Greece was now at Philip's mercy, and the Athenians could not now save Phocis even if they abandoned the peace. However, the Athenians were still ignorant of this turn of events when Phocian ambassadors came to Athens to plead for military aid around 9 July. The Athenian council recommended that the peace be rejected, and Thermopylae be occupied in order to help save Phocis since, as far at the Athenian embassy knew, Philip's troops were still in Pherae, there seemed to be ample time to occupy the pass. By 12 July the news that Philip was "in the gates" arrived in Athens the Athenians then knew that the situation was hopeless, and instead of acting on the previous recommendation of the council, the Assembly instead passed a motion re-affirming the Peace of Philocrates. Now that he was in control of Thermopylae, Philip could be certain of dictating the terms of the end of the Sacred War, since he could now use force against any state that did not accept his arbitration. He began by making a truce with Phalaikos on 19 July Phalaikos surrendered Phocis to him, in return for being allowed to leave with his mercenaries and go wherever he wished. Cawkwell suggests that Phalaikos probably collaborated with Philip in 346 , allowing Philip to take Thermopylae in return for lenience for him and his men. Otherwise, it is difficult to see how Philip could have advertised his campaign so far in advance (and been so confident of success), and yet not been stopped at Thermopylae. Philip restored to Boeotia the cities that Phocis had captured during the war (Orchomenos, Coroneia and Corsiae), and then declared that the fate of Phocis would not be decided by him, but by the Amphictyonic Council. This caused great panic in Athens, since the Phocians could never hope for mercy from the Amphictyons, and since Athens had also (having allied with Phocis) shared in the same sacrilege. However, it is clear that Philip was dictating the terms behind the scenes allowing the Amphictyons the formal responsibility allowed him to dissociate himself from the terms in the future. In return for ending the war, Macedon was made a member of the Amphictyonic council, and given the two votes which had been stripped from Phocis. This was an important moment for Philip, since membership of the Ampictyony meant that Macedon was now no longer a 'barbarian' state in Greek eyes. The terms imposed on Phocis were harsh, but realistically Philip had no choice but to impose such sanctions he needed the support of the Thessalians (sworn enemies of Phocis), and could not risk losing the prestige that he had won for his pious conduct during the war. However, they were not as harsh as some of the Amphictyonic members had suggested the Oeteans had demanded that the traditional punishment for temple robbers of being pushed over a cliff be carried out. Aside from being expelled from the Amphictyonic council, all the Phocian cities were to be destroyed, and the Phocians settled in 'villages' of no more than fifty houses the money stolen from the temple was to be paid back at a rate of 60 talents per year He did not, however, destroy the Phocians, and they retained their land. The Athenians, having made peace with Philip, were not penalised by the Amphictyonic council, and the Spartans also seem to have escaped lightly. Philip presided over the Amphictyonic festival in the autumn, and then much to the surprise of the Greeks, he went back to Macedon and did not return to Greece for seven years. He did however retain his access, by garrisoning Nicaea, the closest town to Thermopylae, with Thessalian troops.


Aftermath:
The destruction of the Phocian cities and the heavy fine imposed on the Phocian confederation certainly caused the Phocians to bear a grudge against Philip II. Seven years later the Locrians brought charges against the Athenians in the amphictyonic council and a special session of the council was set in order to deal with that matter. The Athenians, however, did not send envoys and neither did the Thebans. This was a clear insult to the council and Philip II intervened once more as a regulator. The Fourth Sacred War broke out, ending in the total subjugation of Greece to the kingdom of Macedonia. The Phocians recovered gradually from the repercussions of the Third Sacred War and managed to be reinstated in the Amphictyony in 279 , when they joined forces with the Aetolian League fighting against the Gauls. However, a serious side-loss of the Third Sacred War remained the destruction of a large number of ex votos and other precious offerings to the sanctuary of Apollo, which deprived not only the sanctuary itself but also the later generations of some magnificent pieces of art.


See also [ edit | editar fuente]

  1. ↑ Aeschylus (1986) Choephori introduction by A. F. Garvie, Oxford U. P., p. X
  2. ↑ Steiner, Gerd. The Case of Wiluša and Ahhiyawa. Bibliotheca Orientalis LXIV No. 5-6, September–December 2007
  3. ↑ Ebeling, Erich; Meissner, Bruno; Edzard, Dietz Otto (1993). Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie: A - Bepaste. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. p.㺹. ISBNك-11-004451-X . http://books.google.com/books?id=aVkj3ZedbocC&pg=PA57&lpg=PA61&dq=Akagamunas#PPA57,M1 . & # 160
  4. ↑Hyginus, "Fabulae" 114.
  5. ↑ Aeschylus, Aga., ln. 1602
  6. ↑ Lewis, Charlton T.; Short, Charles. "Argynnus". A Latin Dictionary. Perseus Project . http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.04.0059%3Aentry%3DArgynnus . Retrieved 16 September 2011 . & # 160
  7. ↑ The Deipnosophists of Athenaeus of Naucratis, Book XIII Concerning Women, 80D (p. 603)
  8. ↑ Protrepticus II.38.2
  9. ↑ Butler, Harold Edgeworth & Barber, Eric Arthur, eds. (1933) The Elegies of Propertius. Oxford: Clarendon Press p. 277
  10. ↑ Pausanias. Descripción de Grecia 5.8.3
  11. ↑ Plutarch. Amores, 21

 This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain:  Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911) Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.) Cambridge University Press  


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